Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm English edition
October 19, 2010
The recent crackdown on privately-owned Egyptian media has left many observers perplexed. The move is raising questions over whether the newly-imposed constraints are temporary measures--only aimed at silencing the media during the upcoming elections--or if they represent a radical shift in the government’s attitude towards independent media.
“To what extent is the regime taking it further? Is it just for the elections or is it more than that? Is the regime considering a new way of running the country?” questioned prominent writer and a history professor at Helwan University Sherif Younes.
“We can only make speculations because the main players responsible for these acts are secretive and unaccountable," he added. "We are ruled by a secret regime.”
The government launched the clampdown with the ban of the popular news talk show “al-Qahera al-Youm” last month. On the heels of the show's closing, Ibrahim Eissa, one of the staunchest critics of the ruling regime, was sacked from his position as editor-in-chief of the private daily Al-Dostour. His dismissal attracted a deluge of media attention, including fears that the Egyptian media landscape may lose a newspaper known for its inflammatory criticism of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP).
Dina Shehata, a political expert with Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, believes these developments are aimed at more than just covering up expected electoral violations in the parliamentary poll slated for November. They signal the kickoff of a series of tougher restrictions that TV channels and newspapers will face from now until the presidential race set for fall 2011, Shehata predicts.
“They [the NDP] believe the independent media are their primary enemy,” said Shehata. “You can sense that in the NDP leaders’ discourse. They keep saying that the government is making achievements but the media do not make people sense them.”
The NDP is expected to field candidates for each of the 508 parliamentary seats set for contest. Alike 2005, this year's poll will feature at least 150 candidacies from the nation’s strongest and largest opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood. A verbal war already wages between the ruling party and the banned-but-tolerated Islamist group. For many observers, this discursive standoff is expected to be the prelude to a violent and rigged electoral race.
“The 2010 elections will be a continuation of the second and third phases of the 2005 poll,” said Gamal Heshmat, member of the Musim Brotherhood’s Shura Council told Al-Masry Al-Youm, in reference to the electoral violence and fraud that pervaded the 2005 elections. Clashes over the polling claimed at least 13 lives.
“The NDP wants to deprive any force from meeting the eligibility requirements necessary to field a presidential candidate, ” he added.
As dictated by the 2007 constitutional amendments, an independent presidential hopeful has to garner the support of at least 250 elected members of the parliament’s lower and upper houses as well as municipal councils. Reaching such a number is next to impossible for a non-NDP candidate. The NDP continues to boast a sweeping majority in all legislative bodies.
In recent months, the independent media has been discussing the murky future of political succession as President Mubarak remains reluctant to appoint a vice-president despite reports of ill-heath. In the meantime, the private press has exposed reports of an alleged rift within the ruling regime over succession.
To Shehata, the cost of cracking down further on these private outlets would be nominal. “If a crackdown happens, are there any players that could get mobilized against it in a way that would pose a threat to the regime?” questioned Shehata rhetorically. “Only the US could voice criticism but the regime will not even listen to that unless it gets translated into actives measures against the government that could affect the aid for example.”
And using aid to deter the Egyptian government from tightening its grip on democratic institutions does not seem to be on the US government agenda. Last week, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) decided to increase its aid allocation for Egypt by 20 percent--to US$250 million.
The aid increase decision coincided with a Ministry of Communications announcement to impose restrictions on text messaging use in disseminating cellphone news alerts. And to add fuel to the fire, the Ministry of Information requested nine channels relocate their real-time coverage units to permanent offices at the Egyptian Media Production City as a precondition for receiving approval to broadcast material to or from Egypt. The move to this location, situated in the western outskirts of Cairo, is expected to prevent satellite channels from airing live broadcasts of protests and demonstrations that take place in different spots nationwide.
Moreover, the privately-owned On TV received a notice to stop airing its news ticker. And, in yet another incident, four religious satellite channels were closed down for allegedly inciting sectarian tension last week.
Unlike most analysts, Samer Soliman, a political scientist with the American University in Cairo contended that these consecutive incidents might not be connected and do not inherently indicate the introduction of a larger policy aimed at debilitating the private media.
“I believe the regime managed to adapt with the space it has granted to the media," said Soliman. "It has developed more sophisticated tools to control the media.” The incendiary content of independent papers or TV shows is not enough to prompt any major action on the government’s part, he added.
“It is true that the media constitute a challenge to the regime but they cannot mobilize the people," said Soliman. "The media do not necessarily lead to any action on the street.”
For the last ten years, the media market has witnessed a boom in privately-owned newspapers and satellite channels. Few of these outlets have developed a solid agenda of political coverage that broaches sensitive topics, including the flaws of the Mubarak regime.
Yet, a complete closure of such outlets remains inconceivable, according to Helwan University's Younes.
“Instead, they will keep targeting particular shows or particular channels from one time to another,” he said.
“Closing down the private media is not in the regime’s best interest. The regime needs them to serve as a safety valve whereby people could vent their grievances.”
Tuesday, November 9, 2010
Appeals Court upholds conviction of Alexandrian political activist
Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm English edition
October 17, 2010
A misdemeanor appeal court today upheld an earlier verdict that convicted a political activist of assaulting and libeling a policeman, but reduced the prison sentence from six months to one month.
“My case is fabricated from start to finish. This verdict is not issued by the judiciary but by police authorities,” Hassan Mustafa, the convict, told Al-Masry Al-Youm in a phone interview from the Mediterranean city of Alexandria where the trial was held.
Mustafa was first arrested in mid-June on grounds of beating and defaming lieutenant colonel Khaled Mohsen in Alexandria. A couple of days later, the court sentenced him to six months in prison and ordered a fine of LE2000 Egyptian Pounds. Eventually, the 28-year-old activist appealed the verdict, contending that the allegations were fabricated.
Earlier, Mustafa had filed a compliant against another policeman for beating, and dragging him on the ground during a demonstration protesting the notorious murder of Khaled Saeed. Mustafa was on his way to undergo forensic examination when policeman Mohsen intercepted him and leveled accusations against him, according to Mustafa’s lawyers.
“Authorities are sharpening their teeth and using all dishonest means to deter and terrorize political activists,” said Mustafa, who is an active member of the Popular Democratic Movement for Change (PDMC)--a nascent opposition group that voices socio-economic grievances and denounces the regime of President Hosni Mubarak.
“By virtue of this verdict, the police can chase me or raid my house to take me to jail,” added Mustafa, who was released on bail last summer.
At press time, Mustafa had decided to pre-empt any attempt to stop him, by turning himself in to the police station. “I will not give [the police] the chance to use this verdict to come to my house and terrify my parents. In the meantime, I am not a criminal to let them chase me,” Mustafa told Al-Masry Al-Youm.
The Court of Cassation, which is Egypt’s supreme court of appeal, is Mustafa’s last resort. Yet, even a new appeal might not be resolved soon enough to keep him free, according to lawyers.
“Practically, it will be hard for him to evade jail because by the time the appeal is accepted, Mustafa will have already spent his one-month sentence,” said Haitham Mahamadeen, a lawyer from the Nadim Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence, which had delegated attorneys to defend Mustafa.
Legally, Mustafa’s lawyers have the right to submit a petition to the General Prosecutor requesting a suspension of the sentence until the new appeal is resolved on grounds that the convict has a clean record, said Mohamadeen. But the chances that the general prosecutor accepts this petiton are slim, he added.
"The General Prosecutor will refuse it for political reasons, because the case involves a policeman," said Mohamadeen.
Photo: By Tareql Elfaramawy
Farouk Gouida’s Raping a Country: A rant about misappropriation of public properties
Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm English edition
October 13, 2010
The title of journalist and poet Farouk Gouida’s recent book--Raping a Country: Crimes of Land Pillaging in Egypt--might suggest that it is a solid piece of extensive research that dissects and contextualizes a notoriously corrupt trend that, in recent years, has attracted a lot of attention. Unfortunately, the content does not rise to that level of sophistication. “Raping a Country” is only a compilation of opinion columns published over the last five years that, lacking formal research, rely heavily on anecdote and are often clouded by Gouida’s poetic style.
In the 41 columns, the well-known journalist lists several incidents of public properties being appropriated to foreign and Egyptian businessmen in suspicious deals. Gouida dismisses the government as “a real estate broker.”
“The government has focused all its economic activities on selling state-owned assets,” writes Gouida. “Land has become the only good on which to speculate and conclude transactions. It is surrounded by a lot of suspicion and I do not understand why we do not take a stand vis-a-vis this serious chaos.”
The book is laden with national ethos. More than half of the articles are dedicated to foreign, particularly Israeli, attempts to acquire land in the Sinai peninsula, a region fully occupied by Israel for six years. In one piece, Gouida writes about a Zionist project that aims to annex 600 square kilometers in Sinai to the Gaza Strip. Palestinians could claim the land, giving away their territories in the West Bank.
“We should not think that Israel has become a nice dove that wants peace and security all of a sudden. We would be committing an injustice to ourselves if we assumed that Israel wants our prosperity and happiness,” he writes.
Raping a Country could not have hit the market at a better moment. The saga surrounding the selling of 8000 feddans to the Talaat Mostafa Group has made headlines in the local press for the last few weeks. The coverage gained momentum after the court declared that the transaction violated Egyptian law by selling the land to the company without calling for a prior auction. Ultimately, the president intervened and ordered the formation of a legal commission to address the issue.
And earlier this summer, yet another example of suspicious land deals stirred public outrage, when the government was forced to deal with accusations of misappropriation of public land to a company co-owned by Minister of Housing Ahmed El-Maghraby. The Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics stated that the purchasing company under-priced the state-owned land by LE23 million. Again, the president intervened and cancelled the deal.
The book does not tackle these two cases, but it addresses the marriage between power and money, arguing for an immutable divorce. Gouida wonders, “Why is there an insistence to mix government responsibilities and business?”
In his article, “A Disengagement is Required,” the author discusses the appropriation of 127 feddans in the western suburbs of Cairo to a non-governmental organization formed by Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif and a group of businessmen when Nazif was still a communications minister. The books alleges that the NGO received the land, on which they planned to build a private university, without paying. The author contends that the NGO received far more land than necessary. “It is so unjust to appropriate all this space of 127 feddans for one university that won’t use more than ten feddans,” Gouida writes.
Not content with merely questioning Nazif’s activities, Gouida looks back to Nazif’s prior involvement in similarly flawed deals. In more than one article, Gouida shows how former Prime Minister Atef Ebeid--who spearheaded the privatization of Egypt’s land--conducted irregular transactions that cost the country millions of dollars. The book highlights the notorious case of the Egyptian-Italian businessman Waguih Siag who, in 2003, successfully sued the Egyptian government for US$133 million. More than 160 feddans of land in the Sinai had been appropriated to Siag to build a resort. But when the government found out that Siag’s project was partially financed by Israelis, they repossessed the land.
The government ended up compensating Siag a paltry sum. Gouida worries about the lack of accountability from officials like Ebeid. “Is the case going to be over by just compensating Siag? Does not the matter require investigating and questioning senior officials who were implicated in this tragedy?”
Gouida directs his wrath toward prime ministers and other senior state officials but refrains from putting any blame on the ruling regime or President Mubarak in particular, during whose era large-scale privatization deals have been marred by corruption. On the contrary, the author portrays the president as a messianic figure who intervenes at the last minute to fix all wrongs and prevent the squandering of public properties by his ministers. Gouida conveniently ignores the fact that these officials were selected and appointed by the president himself.
Gouida also fails to highlight the role of the President’s son, Gamal Mubarak, in deepening the overlap between business and politics. Gamal continuously spearheads neo-liberal policies and remains the rallying figure of Egyptian businessmen. Since 2004, he has successfully brought members of his business entourage in to run the cabinet, many of whom were entrusted with ministerial portfolios that help their businesses. By avoiding any explicit criticism of the president and his son, the author walks a fine line between exposing corruption and antagonizing the ruling regime. The fact that most of the articles compiled were originally published in the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper may explain this cautious strategy.
Because he is a poet, Gouida’s style tends to be more sentimental than informative. The author’s energy goes to expressing his disenchantment in stylized prose and poetry rather than providing elaborate data on the phenomenon of land misappropriation. Consequently, the book lacks vital information like when land sales began, what kind of policies encouraged it, and what political and economic reasons stood behind the boom. In the end, “Raping the Country,” is more of a rant, possessing spirit but little real information.
Wednesday, October 13, 2010
Court hears appeal from activist convicted of assault and slander
Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm English edition
October 10, 2010
Amid protests against police brutality and human rights violations, a misdemeanor court opened hearings Sunday for an appeal filed by a young Alexandrian activist convicted of beating and slandering a policeman.
“This [case] is meant to terrorize political activists and to discourage them from engaging in any form of protest,” Mohamed Abdel Aziz, Hassan Mostapha’s lawyer, told Al-Masry Al-Youm. “The case is fabricated and the testimonies of the witnesses that the interior ministry has brought are self-contradictory.”
The court is expected to deliver a verdict on October 17.
In June, Hassan Mostafa--currently released on bail--was sentenced to six months in prison and fined LE2000 for the alleged transgressions against a Lieutenant Colonel in Alexandria.
His conviction came on the heels of a complaint that Mostafa had filed earlier against another policeman who the defendant claimed beat him and dragged him on the ground during at a demonstration over the murder of
Khaled Saeed in Alexandria. Hassan was on his way to undergo forensic examinations when the Lieutenant Colonel intercepted him and leveled accusations against him, according to Abdel Aziz.
Mostafa is an active member of the Popular Democratic Movement for Change (PDMC) that emerged last winter to voice socio-economic grievances and to oppose President Hosni Mubarak's rule, the Emergency Law, violations of human rights and corruption.
Surrounded by riot police, dozens of Mostafa’s young supporters rallied outside the court shouting slogans and raising banners condemning torture and police extra-legal practice. Nearly 20 protesters were arrested.
“It is not just Hassan [Mostafa]’s problem but it is the problem of a lot of young people who want change,”
Mohamed Mostafa, the defendant’s brother, said in a video clip posted on the social networking website Facebook last week. “The regime’s coercive apparatus is getting more violent and more brutal against young people who constitute the nuclear of any change in society.”
October 10, 2010
“This [case] is meant to terrorize political activists and to discourage them from engaging in any form of protest,” Mohamed Abdel Aziz, Hassan Mostapha’s lawyer, told Al-Masry Al-Youm. “The case is fabricated and the testimonies of the witnesses that the interior ministry has brought are self-contradictory.”
The court is expected to deliver a verdict on October 17.
In June, Hassan Mostafa--currently released on bail--was sentenced to six months in prison and fined LE2000 for the alleged transgressions against a Lieutenant Colonel in Alexandria.
His conviction came on the heels of a complaint that Mostafa had filed earlier against another policeman who the defendant claimed beat him and dragged him on the ground during at a demonstration over the murder of
Khaled Saeed in Alexandria. Hassan was on his way to undergo forensic examinations when the Lieutenant Colonel intercepted him and leveled accusations against him, according to Abdel Aziz.
Mostafa is an active member of the Popular Democratic Movement for Change (PDMC) that emerged last winter to voice socio-economic grievances and to oppose President Hosni Mubarak's rule, the Emergency Law, violations of human rights and corruption.
Surrounded by riot police, dozens of Mostafa’s young supporters rallied outside the court shouting slogans and raising banners condemning torture and police extra-legal practice. Nearly 20 protesters were arrested.
“It is not just Hassan [Mostafa]’s problem but it is the problem of a lot of young people who want change,”
Mohamed Mostafa, the defendant’s brother, said in a video clip posted on the social networking website Facebook last week. “The regime’s coercive apparatus is getting more violent and more brutal against young people who constitute the nuclear of any change in society.”
Turkish school takes US approach to get foothold in Egypt
Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm English Edition
October 10, 2010
Last year, Zeinab Abdel Aziz, an Egyptian-American teacher visited Egypt with her family to attend the weddings of her two brothers. Eventually, she decided to temporarily settle here to escape deteriorating economic conditions in the US. But the 31-year-old mother had to first find a decent school for her five-year old son.
“I was looking for an Islamic school; that was the most important thing for me," recalled Abdel Aziz. "At the same time, I wanted an American school because we can go back at any time.”
But as soon as she got wind of the nascent Salahaldin International School (SIS), a Turkish enterprise, Abdel Aziz felt compelled to investigate.
“When they told me about their vision and how they are implementing the American curriculum and applying the values of religion at the same time, I loved the school right away and told my husband 'this is the school',” said Abdel Aziz.
The confluent American curriculum and religious instruction did not only convince Abdel Aziz as a parent; it also encouraged her to apply for a teaching position at SIS. Eventually, her son was enrolled and in the fall of 2009 she was hired as a first-grade teacher.
Salahaldin has, since its establishment less than two years ago, conquered the booming market of international education in Egypt. The institution, located in the heart of Cairo's posh eastern suburbs, has succeeded in attracting 650 students whose parents, like Abdel Aziz, seek both a first-class education and religious upbringing.
“Parents do not want their kids to be totally in a Westernized environment,” said Salahaldin director Shawkat Shimshek. “They want good education with their social values. We said 'this is the environment you are looking for'.”
The school is affiliated with the international movement of widely known, liberal Islamic thinker Fethullah Gulen. Followers of the Sufi intellectual constitute the largest and most influential Islamic group in Turkey. The group, which aims to revitalize the Islamic faith, is known for its moderate views and promotion of universal values. Gulen currently lives in self-exile in the US and preaches tolerance, interfaith dialogue and co-existence between Muslims and the West.
Since the 1990s, the movement has sought to spread Islamic principles through educational outlets in Turkey and abroad. Schools started to crop up in Central Asia and eventually moved across the globe.
“We have a character education program," said Shimshek. "We focus on responsibility, respect, caring, citizenship and giving back to society.”
Islam stands out as the cornerstone of the school’s curriculum. Besides government-dictated religious books, the school offers a “character building” class that is inspired by Islam but taught in English.
“If we speak of honesty, we look for the Hadith [Prophet Mohamed’s sayings and deeds] or the Quranic verses that talk about honesty,” said Shimshek.
Quran sessions are a pillar of the school’s vision. All grade levels including kindergarten are expected to learn how to memorize and recite Quranic verses at least twice a week, according to Shimshek.
Kamal Mogheeth, an expert with the state-run National Center for Educational Resource Development, says schools that combine Western curricula and religious education meet the needs of a rising Islamized elite that seeks integration into an ever-globalizing world.
“These schools have seized the opportunity and want to cater to the need for Western education, foreign languages and the engagement in a global world on one hand and the urge to protect local identities whether religious or ethnic,” said Mogeeth.
But the religious focus at SIS has risked deterring some potential clients like psychiatrist Mona Yosri who was nearly dissuaded from enrolling her two sons last year.
“I did not send them to that school until I felt sure they were moderate," said Yosri. "I fear religious fanaticism especially that there are other Islamic schools that are very violent with kids and make them hate religion.”
Like most international schools in Egypt, the tuition fees at SIS are expensive. Depending on the grade level, the fees range between LE22,000 and LE35,000.
“Egypt is a very good market for international schools,” said Shimshek. “Maybe people want something different, possibly the facilities, the quality of education, and the English language which is very important in this county and the Gulf area. A lot of parents want their kids to be able to speak and communicate in English. They see this as the future for them.”
In small-sized classrooms, students from grade one through twelve are taught by Egyptian, Turkish, British, Canadian and American staff. As English is the first language, the school is keen to hire native speakers as instructors, according to Shimshek.
“They have everything, they make your life easier," said Abdel Aziz. "They pay for everything you want to use in the classroom."
Besides Islam, the school also strives to promote Turkish culture through optional language classes that are offered not only to students but also parents. Every Saturday, Yosri goes to Salahaldin to attend Turkish classes. In addition to language training, teachers and students are sent on exploratory journeys to Turkey during breaks in the school year.
“Turkish people serve as a good example for us,” said Yosri. “One of the reasons why I chose the school is because Turkey has progressed at an amazing pace in the last 20 years. I hope we can benefit from them and their expertise.”
In recent years, Turkey has risen as a formidable regional force, challenging traditional Middle Eastern power-wielders.
In May, the Turkish administration, led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, impressed Arab observers by embarrassing Israel on the international stage after Israeli forces attacked the Turkish flotilla seeking to break the Gaza blockade. That incident added to Erdogan's established credibility in the region after he had clashed with Israeli President Shimon Peres over the humanitarian situation in Gaza at The World Economic Forum a couple of years ago.
Turkey is also regarded by laymen and intellectuals alike in the Arab World as a success story for its continuous progress and European Union admission prospects. The fascination with the Turkish model had prompted the Egyptian regime to routinely launch smear campaigns against Turkey in the state-owned press.
Turkish investment in education in the Arab region should be read in this context, according to Mogeeth.
“Turkey wants to play a regional role and it is logical for it to do that in parts of its former empire that fell almost a hundred years ago,” Mogeeth says. “It does not have to resurrect an empire along Ottoman lines but it can do it by spreading its Turkish culture.”
October 10, 2010
Last year, Zeinab Abdel Aziz, an Egyptian-American teacher visited Egypt with her family to attend the weddings of her two brothers. Eventually, she decided to temporarily settle here to escape deteriorating economic conditions in the US. But the 31-year-old mother had to first find a decent school for her five-year old son.
“I was looking for an Islamic school; that was the most important thing for me," recalled Abdel Aziz. "At the same time, I wanted an American school because we can go back at any time.”
But as soon as she got wind of the nascent Salahaldin International School (SIS), a Turkish enterprise, Abdel Aziz felt compelled to investigate.
“When they told me about their vision and how they are implementing the American curriculum and applying the values of religion at the same time, I loved the school right away and told my husband 'this is the school',” said Abdel Aziz.
The confluent American curriculum and religious instruction did not only convince Abdel Aziz as a parent; it also encouraged her to apply for a teaching position at SIS. Eventually, her son was enrolled and in the fall of 2009 she was hired as a first-grade teacher.
Salahaldin has, since its establishment less than two years ago, conquered the booming market of international education in Egypt. The institution, located in the heart of Cairo's posh eastern suburbs, has succeeded in attracting 650 students whose parents, like Abdel Aziz, seek both a first-class education and religious upbringing.
“Parents do not want their kids to be totally in a Westernized environment,” said Salahaldin director Shawkat Shimshek. “They want good education with their social values. We said 'this is the environment you are looking for'.”
The school is affiliated with the international movement of widely known, liberal Islamic thinker Fethullah Gulen. Followers of the Sufi intellectual constitute the largest and most influential Islamic group in Turkey. The group, which aims to revitalize the Islamic faith, is known for its moderate views and promotion of universal values. Gulen currently lives in self-exile in the US and preaches tolerance, interfaith dialogue and co-existence between Muslims and the West.
Since the 1990s, the movement has sought to spread Islamic principles through educational outlets in Turkey and abroad. Schools started to crop up in Central Asia and eventually moved across the globe.
“We have a character education program," said Shimshek. "We focus on responsibility, respect, caring, citizenship and giving back to society.”
Islam stands out as the cornerstone of the school’s curriculum. Besides government-dictated religious books, the school offers a “character building” class that is inspired by Islam but taught in English.
“If we speak of honesty, we look for the Hadith [Prophet Mohamed’s sayings and deeds] or the Quranic verses that talk about honesty,” said Shimshek.
Quran sessions are a pillar of the school’s vision. All grade levels including kindergarten are expected to learn how to memorize and recite Quranic verses at least twice a week, according to Shimshek.
Kamal Mogheeth, an expert with the state-run National Center for Educational Resource Development, says schools that combine Western curricula and religious education meet the needs of a rising Islamized elite that seeks integration into an ever-globalizing world.
“These schools have seized the opportunity and want to cater to the need for Western education, foreign languages and the engagement in a global world on one hand and the urge to protect local identities whether religious or ethnic,” said Mogeeth.
But the religious focus at SIS has risked deterring some potential clients like psychiatrist Mona Yosri who was nearly dissuaded from enrolling her two sons last year.
“I did not send them to that school until I felt sure they were moderate," said Yosri. "I fear religious fanaticism especially that there are other Islamic schools that are very violent with kids and make them hate religion.”
Like most international schools in Egypt, the tuition fees at SIS are expensive. Depending on the grade level, the fees range between LE22,000 and LE35,000.
“Egypt is a very good market for international schools,” said Shimshek. “Maybe people want something different, possibly the facilities, the quality of education, and the English language which is very important in this county and the Gulf area. A lot of parents want their kids to be able to speak and communicate in English. They see this as the future for them.”
In small-sized classrooms, students from grade one through twelve are taught by Egyptian, Turkish, British, Canadian and American staff. As English is the first language, the school is keen to hire native speakers as instructors, according to Shimshek.
“They have everything, they make your life easier," said Abdel Aziz. "They pay for everything you want to use in the classroom."
Besides Islam, the school also strives to promote Turkish culture through optional language classes that are offered not only to students but also parents. Every Saturday, Yosri goes to Salahaldin to attend Turkish classes. In addition to language training, teachers and students are sent on exploratory journeys to Turkey during breaks in the school year.
“Turkish people serve as a good example for us,” said Yosri. “One of the reasons why I chose the school is because Turkey has progressed at an amazing pace in the last 20 years. I hope we can benefit from them and their expertise.”
In recent years, Turkey has risen as a formidable regional force, challenging traditional Middle Eastern power-wielders.
In May, the Turkish administration, led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, impressed Arab observers by embarrassing Israel on the international stage after Israeli forces attacked the Turkish flotilla seeking to break the Gaza blockade. That incident added to Erdogan's established credibility in the region after he had clashed with Israeli President Shimon Peres over the humanitarian situation in Gaza at The World Economic Forum a couple of years ago.
Turkey is also regarded by laymen and intellectuals alike in the Arab World as a success story for its continuous progress and European Union admission prospects. The fascination with the Turkish model had prompted the Egyptian regime to routinely launch smear campaigns against Turkey in the state-owned press.
Turkish investment in education in the Arab region should be read in this context, according to Mogeeth.
“Turkey wants to play a regional role and it is logical for it to do that in parts of its former empire that fell almost a hundred years ago,” Mogeeth says. “It does not have to resurrect an empire along Ottoman lines but it can do it by spreading its Turkish culture.”
Eye on Elections: Egypt’s opposition seeks to translate social discontent
Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm English edition
“Down with Hosni Mubarak!”, “Down with the National Democratic Party”, “Enough” were the slogans clamored by the opposition on the street ahead and during the 2005 parliamentary elections. The demonstrations marked the inception of a resilient political dissent that broke conventional political taboos. And although those who spearheaded the demonstrations failed to mobilize significant numbers, the street mobility represented rising political and social discontent in Egypt.
As Egypt is approaching a new highly significant parliamentary race next month, the 2005 political mobility continues to wane. Analysts are divided on whether the weakened vocal dissent is because Egyptians are focused more on deteriorating economic matters and other less political concerns.
“In 2005, we had more political demonstrations and at some points the number of protesters was over 1000,” said Khaled Ali, director of the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights. “Now there are major divisions that split [opposition] forces. They are divided over the presidential candidate; they support different names: Gamal, the military and Mohamed ElBaradei.”
“Plus, they are divided over whether to run or boycott the elections," added Ali. "These substantive divisions prevent them from organizing large demonstrations."
Amr Hamzawy, an expert with Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, says the impetus for demonstrations over the past seveal years is not political yet the two are not mutually exclusive.
“In 2010, we have more social protest activities over bread and butter issues than in 2005,” said Hamzawy. “This is not happening at the expense of political mobilization but it is part of it.”
“Those with socio-economic grievances have surmounted the barrier of fear of demonstrating and they may come up with broader and more general demands later on,"he added. "This is how politics work in the whole world.”
While labor protests are estimated in the hundreds, demonstrations over democratization have failed to exceed a few dozen. According to a report by the Egyptian Association For Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE), Egyptian streets hosted nearly 80 protests from the beginning of 2010 until June. Protesters chanted a variety of political slogans against the ruling regime demanding the amendment of the constitution, opposing torture or expressing support of Elbaradei. Other protests had regional and international interests such as opposing the siege on Gaza, according to the association.
In 2005, American pressure on Mubarak’s regime to democratize Egypt emboldened the opposition. Kefaya emerged as the vanguard of an unprecedented opposition that demanded--for the first time--the amendment of the constitution to allow for multi-party presidential elections, denounced Mubarak’s rule, and warned against the ascendancy of his son. Since late 2004, Kefaya's intellectuals and veteran activists held several protests that led to the president’s decision to amend the constitution in February 2005.
Then the opposition was not restricted to a bunch of intellectuals. It spread to professional groups that seized the momentum created by Kefaya and voiced political and economic demands in a country where at least 20 percent of the population languish in poverty. Groups such as “Lawyers for Change” and “Journalists for Change” came to the fore as new platforms to claim a democratic rule.
Judges were another robust professional bloc that toed the same opposition line in 2005. While Kefaya and its satellite groups were opposing the re-election of Mubarak on the street, judges threatened to not participate in monitoring the elections unless guarantees of full, independent judicial supervision were issued.
“In 2005, Judges were part of the political movement and had reform demands and this was a major step.
One of the drawbacks of 2010 is the absence of judges from the political scene,” said Ali.
The judges’ movement declined after reformists lost the electoral battle to more mainstream magistrates in 2009.
Yet, political opposition began to wane earlier than 2009. After the Muslim Brotherhood registered an unprecedented electoral victory in 2005 and their Palestinian offshoot-group Hamas won a parliamentary majority, the American administration began to scale back pressures for democracy.
This change of heart gave the Egyptian government leeway to crack down on the opposition. In mid-2006, the government renewed the controversial emergency law, ignoring sustained calls for its abrogation. In the same year, tens of the Muslim Brotherhood’s high-profile leaders were arrested and referred to a military tribunal.
“In 2005, it was more of political propaganda that attracted a lot of media attention because it was the first time to see people making reform demands,” said Ahmed Fawzi, a representative of the Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE). “Yet, this mobility was relying on the same traditional opposition figures.”
“Now we have larger segments of the Egyptian society that are getting politically engaged. We have workers, professionals and young people,” said Ahmed Fawzi, an EACPE representative.
While mobilization over democratization may be weaker than five years ago, this year’s poll comes in the midst of unprecedented social outrage over inflation and labor conditions. Since late 2006, Egypt has been rocked by hundreds of labor demonstrations and strikes that demand a minimum wage to combat inflation. In 2007, the number of labor protests was estimated at 756 in 23 provinces nationwide, according to the annual count conducted by the Land Center for Human Rights. By this June, over 300 labor protests were held in 2010, according to the labor advocacy group’s latest mid-term report.
“This should enrich political groups but it seems that the latter are not capable of profiting from groups with socio-economic demands because they are divided and dispersed,” said Mohamed Al-Agaty, Executive Director of the Arab Forum for Alternatives.
This year’s parliamentary race comes at a crucial political juncture with much anticipation over the future of the presidency after the mandate of 82-year-old President Hosni Mubarak ends in 2011. For the last six years, opposition groups have persistently voiced fears over possible hereditary succession in favor of the president's son Gamal, Assistant Secretary General of the ruling NDP.
Earlier this year, the former head of the UN atomic agency Mohamed ElBaradei rose to the fore as a credible rallying opposition figure after he had announced his willingness to run for president if the constitution was amended to ease restrictions on candidacy eligibility. His plea attracted thousands of young people and intellectuals who started to market the former diplomat through the social networking site Facebook.
“He opens the door for a civilian alternative to the regime,” said Fawzi. “He is making demands that no one from the political elite has made before. This could engage people who were not politically engaged before.”
But so far, ElBaradei’s group has fallen short of creating the same mobility engendered by Kefaya on the street, said Al-Agaty.
“On the cyberspace, ElBaradei’s movement is much stronger in terms of mobilization. But on the street, it is weaker than Kefaya,” said Al-Agaty.
However, ElBaradei’s group was plagued by divisions at an early stage. In the summer, he was harshly criticized by one of his followers for settling in the west and only coming to Egypt on short visits. Opposition parties have also refused to heed his call to boycott parliamentary elections despite the government's refusal to enhance judicial monitoring.
Nevertheless, his followers still maintain their door-to-door campaign which aims to collect signatures in favor of ElBaradei’s seven reform demands. ElBaradei is calling for the the lifting of the state of emergency, the full judicial monitoring of elections, and the amendment of the constitution to allow for multiple candidates to run for president. With online signatures, ElBaradei’s campaigners have garnered the endorsement of nearly one million Egyptians to date.
In the meantime, the 68-year-old former diplomat has been averse to the idea of leading protests on the street. Only a handful of the 80 political protests that Egyptian streets witnessed this year were affiliated with EBbaradei’s demands, according to the mid-term report issued by the Egyptian Association For Community Participation Enhancement.
During his latest visit to Cairo, he held that protests should come in a later phase when the opposition is strong enough to change the regime.
ElBaradei's strategy resonates with Carnegie's Hamzawy. Hamzawy says the protests are still far from bringing about any real change.
“This mobility is not enough to pressure the decision maker and or pose a threat to the regime,” he said. “The numbers of those who take to the streets remain small and their protests are not sustained over a long period of time.”
For Fawzi from EACPE, challenging legal restrictions on the formation of independent associations is the gateway to change. “Neither ElBaradei nor protest movements could topple the regime any time soon,” he said. “It is a long way. No change will be achieved in Egypt unless people get together and retrieve their right of association and form parties, syndicates or NGOs,” he said.
“Down with Hosni Mubarak!”, “Down with the National Democratic Party”, “Enough” were the slogans clamored by the opposition on the street ahead and during the 2005 parliamentary elections. The demonstrations marked the inception of a resilient political dissent that broke conventional political taboos. And although those who spearheaded the demonstrations failed to mobilize significant numbers, the street mobility represented rising political and social discontent in Egypt.
As Egypt is approaching a new highly significant parliamentary race next month, the 2005 political mobility continues to wane. Analysts are divided on whether the weakened vocal dissent is because Egyptians are focused more on deteriorating economic matters and other less political concerns.
“In 2005, we had more political demonstrations and at some points the number of protesters was over 1000,” said Khaled Ali, director of the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights. “Now there are major divisions that split [opposition] forces. They are divided over the presidential candidate; they support different names: Gamal, the military and Mohamed ElBaradei.”
“Plus, they are divided over whether to run or boycott the elections," added Ali. "These substantive divisions prevent them from organizing large demonstrations."
Amr Hamzawy, an expert with Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, says the impetus for demonstrations over the past seveal years is not political yet the two are not mutually exclusive.
“In 2010, we have more social protest activities over bread and butter issues than in 2005,” said Hamzawy. “This is not happening at the expense of political mobilization but it is part of it.”
“Those with socio-economic grievances have surmounted the barrier of fear of demonstrating and they may come up with broader and more general demands later on,"he added. "This is how politics work in the whole world.”
While labor protests are estimated in the hundreds, demonstrations over democratization have failed to exceed a few dozen. According to a report by the Egyptian Association For Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE), Egyptian streets hosted nearly 80 protests from the beginning of 2010 until June. Protesters chanted a variety of political slogans against the ruling regime demanding the amendment of the constitution, opposing torture or expressing support of Elbaradei. Other protests had regional and international interests such as opposing the siege on Gaza, according to the association.
In 2005, American pressure on Mubarak’s regime to democratize Egypt emboldened the opposition. Kefaya emerged as the vanguard of an unprecedented opposition that demanded--for the first time--the amendment of the constitution to allow for multi-party presidential elections, denounced Mubarak’s rule, and warned against the ascendancy of his son. Since late 2004, Kefaya's intellectuals and veteran activists held several protests that led to the president’s decision to amend the constitution in February 2005.
Then the opposition was not restricted to a bunch of intellectuals. It spread to professional groups that seized the momentum created by Kefaya and voiced political and economic demands in a country where at least 20 percent of the population languish in poverty. Groups such as “Lawyers for Change” and “Journalists for Change” came to the fore as new platforms to claim a democratic rule.
Judges were another robust professional bloc that toed the same opposition line in 2005. While Kefaya and its satellite groups were opposing the re-election of Mubarak on the street, judges threatened to not participate in monitoring the elections unless guarantees of full, independent judicial supervision were issued.
“In 2005, Judges were part of the political movement and had reform demands and this was a major step.
One of the drawbacks of 2010 is the absence of judges from the political scene,” said Ali.
The judges’ movement declined after reformists lost the electoral battle to more mainstream magistrates in 2009.
Yet, political opposition began to wane earlier than 2009. After the Muslim Brotherhood registered an unprecedented electoral victory in 2005 and their Palestinian offshoot-group Hamas won a parliamentary majority, the American administration began to scale back pressures for democracy.
This change of heart gave the Egyptian government leeway to crack down on the opposition. In mid-2006, the government renewed the controversial emergency law, ignoring sustained calls for its abrogation. In the same year, tens of the Muslim Brotherhood’s high-profile leaders were arrested and referred to a military tribunal.
“In 2005, it was more of political propaganda that attracted a lot of media attention because it was the first time to see people making reform demands,” said Ahmed Fawzi, a representative of the Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE). “Yet, this mobility was relying on the same traditional opposition figures.”
“Now we have larger segments of the Egyptian society that are getting politically engaged. We have workers, professionals and young people,” said Ahmed Fawzi, an EACPE representative.
While mobilization over democratization may be weaker than five years ago, this year’s poll comes in the midst of unprecedented social outrage over inflation and labor conditions. Since late 2006, Egypt has been rocked by hundreds of labor demonstrations and strikes that demand a minimum wage to combat inflation. In 2007, the number of labor protests was estimated at 756 in 23 provinces nationwide, according to the annual count conducted by the Land Center for Human Rights. By this June, over 300 labor protests were held in 2010, according to the labor advocacy group’s latest mid-term report.
“This should enrich political groups but it seems that the latter are not capable of profiting from groups with socio-economic demands because they are divided and dispersed,” said Mohamed Al-Agaty, Executive Director of the Arab Forum for Alternatives.
This year’s parliamentary race comes at a crucial political juncture with much anticipation over the future of the presidency after the mandate of 82-year-old President Hosni Mubarak ends in 2011. For the last six years, opposition groups have persistently voiced fears over possible hereditary succession in favor of the president's son Gamal, Assistant Secretary General of the ruling NDP.
Earlier this year, the former head of the UN atomic agency Mohamed ElBaradei rose to the fore as a credible rallying opposition figure after he had announced his willingness to run for president if the constitution was amended to ease restrictions on candidacy eligibility. His plea attracted thousands of young people and intellectuals who started to market the former diplomat through the social networking site Facebook.
“He opens the door for a civilian alternative to the regime,” said Fawzi. “He is making demands that no one from the political elite has made before. This could engage people who were not politically engaged before.”
But so far, ElBaradei’s group has fallen short of creating the same mobility engendered by Kefaya on the street, said Al-Agaty.
“On the cyberspace, ElBaradei’s movement is much stronger in terms of mobilization. But on the street, it is weaker than Kefaya,” said Al-Agaty.
However, ElBaradei’s group was plagued by divisions at an early stage. In the summer, he was harshly criticized by one of his followers for settling in the west and only coming to Egypt on short visits. Opposition parties have also refused to heed his call to boycott parliamentary elections despite the government's refusal to enhance judicial monitoring.
Nevertheless, his followers still maintain their door-to-door campaign which aims to collect signatures in favor of ElBaradei’s seven reform demands. ElBaradei is calling for the the lifting of the state of emergency, the full judicial monitoring of elections, and the amendment of the constitution to allow for multiple candidates to run for president. With online signatures, ElBaradei’s campaigners have garnered the endorsement of nearly one million Egyptians to date.
In the meantime, the 68-year-old former diplomat has been averse to the idea of leading protests on the street. Only a handful of the 80 political protests that Egyptian streets witnessed this year were affiliated with EBbaradei’s demands, according to the mid-term report issued by the Egyptian Association For Community Participation Enhancement.
During his latest visit to Cairo, he held that protests should come in a later phase when the opposition is strong enough to change the regime.
ElBaradei's strategy resonates with Carnegie's Hamzawy. Hamzawy says the protests are still far from bringing about any real change.
“This mobility is not enough to pressure the decision maker and or pose a threat to the regime,” he said. “The numbers of those who take to the streets remain small and their protests are not sustained over a long period of time.”
For Fawzi from EACPE, challenging legal restrictions on the formation of independent associations is the gateway to change. “Neither ElBaradei nor protest movements could topple the regime any time soon,” he said. “It is a long way. No change will be achieved in Egypt unless people get together and retrieve their right of association and form parties, syndicates or NGOs,” he said.
TV show bans prompt fears of pre-election crackdown on private media
Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm English edition
September 27, 2010
Every evening, millions of Egyptians are plastered to their television screens, surfing through dozens of privately-owned satellite channels that broadcast a plethora of news talk shows. But in an abrupt move last week, one show was banned and the other lost its prime host shocking journalists and human rights
advocates who fear that the margins of freedom of speech may be scaled back ahead of parliamentary elections scheduled for November.
Amr Adeeb’s popular talk show, "Al-Qahira al-Youm" ("Cairo Today"), was barred from broadcasting from state-owned studios in 6 October City. According to government spokesmen, the show was halted because the production company, Orbit, had not paid its dues.
However, the show’s co-host, Ahmed Moussa, said in a subsequent televised interview that Orbit was willing to pay all its back dues. He went on to attribute the ban to "malice" on the part of the government.
“Someone wants to crush freedom of expression and opinion,” Moussa declared when the ban was announced.
Meanwhile, it was also announced that Ibrahim Eissa, an outspoken critic of the regime of President Hosni Mubarak, had departed from the privately-owned ON TV, on which he had co-hosted the popular talk show “Baladna Belmasri." According to a press release issued by the channel, the 45-year-old journalist had quit the show voluntarily in order to give his full attention to independent daily Al-Dustour, of which he has been the editor-in-chief since 2005.
For his part, program producer Omar Shoeb denied that Eissa had been subject to any pressure to resign by the management. He also asserted that the show would maintain the same editorial policy.
"There will be no editorial changes whatsoever. We will continue as strong as we started," said Shoeb, reiterating the channels' earlier account of Eissa's departure.
Eissa, however, has neither confirmed nor denied the channel's claims and has refrained from providing further details. As of press time, Al-Masry Al-Youm was unable to reach the journalist for comment.
According to Gamal Eid, executive director of the Cairo-based Arab Network for Human Rights Information, the incident is hardly unprecedented.
“This is not a new practice by the state,” he said. ”The only difference this time around is that it has involved two very well-known people, and at the same time.”
The moves, Eid went on to assert, were meant to “pave the way for upcoming parliamentary elections in order that they can be rigged without having anyone talk about it.”
The elections will be held amid calls by opposition groups to boycott the voting, which will not be subject to any oversight by the judiciary. Independent presidential hopeful Mohamed ElBaradei, for his part, has consistently warned that this year’s poll would likely be marred by vote rigging and violence so as to maintain the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP)'s overwhelming majority in the national assembly.
The former head of the UN atomic watchdog has argued that whoever participated in the poll--either as voter or candidate--would be effectively challenging the will of public. Major opposition parties and the Muslim Brotherhood opposition group, however, have rejected ElBaradei's calls for a boycott.
NDP officials, meanwhile, have made repeated promises of a fair election--promises that many observers dismiss as empty.
“How can anyone believe talk about electoral integrity when such television shows are being banned?” asked prominent newspaper columnist Soliman Gouda, who hosts his own political talk show on the privately-owned Dream satellite network. “Everything that's being said about the integrity of elections is just words. Nothing will be seen on the ground.”
Within the last five years, private media has proven itself a force to be reckoned with, frequently exposing government corruption and human rights violations and discussing highly sensitive issues such as the question of presidential succession.
According to Gouda, the plethora of TV talk shows now emanating from privately-owned stations have served to “raise the level of people’s awareness regarding their rights and public issues."
Unlike government-owned media, such channels are not subject to the whims of the state--at least not officially. Most, however, are owned by high-profile Egyptian businessmen, many of whom are either NDP members or rely on financing from state-run banks.
Some of these private media barons admit that they still remain subject to government diktats.
In an interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm earlier this summer, Dream TV owner Ahmed Bahgat--whose news channel attracts millions of Egyptian viewers--said that he would "shut Dream down" if asked to do so by the state.
“What else could we do? Would we challenge the state?” asked Bahgat, who is currently saddled with an LE3 billion debt to the National Bank of Egypt.
In another interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm, Hassan Rateb, owner of the Al-Mehwar television channel, said that he never hired anyone without receiving "clearance" from the state security apparatus.
According to Eid, such businessmen are driven by “a commercial mentality that cares more about money than principles.” He went on to cite past incidents in which the management of privately-owned channels had given in to state pressure to have certain shows banned.
“No businessman has dared to disobey the state, because this might not only cause him to lose money but could also lead to him being driven out of the country,” said Eid.
The targeting of Adeeb’s show in particular has raised eyebrows, since the latter is commonly perceived as being relatively soft on the state. This leniency was most explicitly illustrated in the show’s recent decision to hire Moussa, who had been managing editor of state-run daily Al-Ahram, to co-host the show.
For Eid, the targeting of even relatively soft-spoken critics reveals the regime's “despotic” nature.
“The fact that there are no clear and fixed red lines in the media can turn state friends into enemies at any moment,” he said. “This is typical of despotic regimes that have weak institutions and a blurred vision.”
Gouda, however, said that Al-Qahira Al-Youm does not necessarily toe the government line.
“Adeeb, with his cynical style, could be more provocative to the state more than other talk show presenters,” he said. “Therefore, it was only natural that he was targeted."
In any event, the ban comes at a critical juncture in Egypian politics. Given Mubarak’s shaky health condition, there is a growing sense of anticipation about who will succeed the 82-year-old president. In the meantime, opposition groups have sought to build momentum against the re-election of Mubarak and the possible nomination of his son for a presidential poll slated for 2011.
The opposition’s staunch views are closely monitored by the independent local press and widely diffused by private television stations.
“I believe the ceiling for freedom of expression will be lowered,” said Gouda. “The state will not want to fight on several fronts at once. It is already facing the opposition, young Facebook activists, ElBaradei, and foreign pressures."
"The least it can do is silence the talk-show front, which has become more outspoken in recent years," he added.
September 27, 2010
Every evening, millions of Egyptians are plastered to their television screens, surfing through dozens of privately-owned satellite channels that broadcast a plethora of news talk shows. But in an abrupt move last week, one show was banned and the other lost its prime host shocking journalists and human rights
advocates who fear that the margins of freedom of speech may be scaled back ahead of parliamentary elections scheduled for November.
Amr Adeeb’s popular talk show, "Al-Qahira al-Youm" ("Cairo Today"), was barred from broadcasting from state-owned studios in 6 October City. According to government spokesmen, the show was halted because the production company, Orbit, had not paid its dues.
However, the show’s co-host, Ahmed Moussa, said in a subsequent televised interview that Orbit was willing to pay all its back dues. He went on to attribute the ban to "malice" on the part of the government.
“Someone wants to crush freedom of expression and opinion,” Moussa declared when the ban was announced.
Meanwhile, it was also announced that Ibrahim Eissa, an outspoken critic of the regime of President Hosni Mubarak, had departed from the privately-owned ON TV, on which he had co-hosted the popular talk show “Baladna Belmasri." According to a press release issued by the channel, the 45-year-old journalist had quit the show voluntarily in order to give his full attention to independent daily Al-Dustour, of which he has been the editor-in-chief since 2005.
For his part, program producer Omar Shoeb denied that Eissa had been subject to any pressure to resign by the management. He also asserted that the show would maintain the same editorial policy.
"There will be no editorial changes whatsoever. We will continue as strong as we started," said Shoeb, reiterating the channels' earlier account of Eissa's departure.
Eissa, however, has neither confirmed nor denied the channel's claims and has refrained from providing further details. As of press time, Al-Masry Al-Youm was unable to reach the journalist for comment.
According to Gamal Eid, executive director of the Cairo-based Arab Network for Human Rights Information, the incident is hardly unprecedented.
“This is not a new practice by the state,” he said. ”The only difference this time around is that it has involved two very well-known people, and at the same time.”
The moves, Eid went on to assert, were meant to “pave the way for upcoming parliamentary elections in order that they can be rigged without having anyone talk about it.”
The elections will be held amid calls by opposition groups to boycott the voting, which will not be subject to any oversight by the judiciary. Independent presidential hopeful Mohamed ElBaradei, for his part, has consistently warned that this year’s poll would likely be marred by vote rigging and violence so as to maintain the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP)'s overwhelming majority in the national assembly.
The former head of the UN atomic watchdog has argued that whoever participated in the poll--either as voter or candidate--would be effectively challenging the will of public. Major opposition parties and the Muslim Brotherhood opposition group, however, have rejected ElBaradei's calls for a boycott.
NDP officials, meanwhile, have made repeated promises of a fair election--promises that many observers dismiss as empty.
“How can anyone believe talk about electoral integrity when such television shows are being banned?” asked prominent newspaper columnist Soliman Gouda, who hosts his own political talk show on the privately-owned Dream satellite network. “Everything that's being said about the integrity of elections is just words. Nothing will be seen on the ground.”
Within the last five years, private media has proven itself a force to be reckoned with, frequently exposing government corruption and human rights violations and discussing highly sensitive issues such as the question of presidential succession.
According to Gouda, the plethora of TV talk shows now emanating from privately-owned stations have served to “raise the level of people’s awareness regarding their rights and public issues."
Unlike government-owned media, such channels are not subject to the whims of the state--at least not officially. Most, however, are owned by high-profile Egyptian businessmen, many of whom are either NDP members or rely on financing from state-run banks.
Some of these private media barons admit that they still remain subject to government diktats.
In an interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm earlier this summer, Dream TV owner Ahmed Bahgat--whose news channel attracts millions of Egyptian viewers--said that he would "shut Dream down" if asked to do so by the state.
“What else could we do? Would we challenge the state?” asked Bahgat, who is currently saddled with an LE3 billion debt to the National Bank of Egypt.
In another interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm, Hassan Rateb, owner of the Al-Mehwar television channel, said that he never hired anyone without receiving "clearance" from the state security apparatus.
According to Eid, such businessmen are driven by “a commercial mentality that cares more about money than principles.” He went on to cite past incidents in which the management of privately-owned channels had given in to state pressure to have certain shows banned.
“No businessman has dared to disobey the state, because this might not only cause him to lose money but could also lead to him being driven out of the country,” said Eid.
The targeting of Adeeb’s show in particular has raised eyebrows, since the latter is commonly perceived as being relatively soft on the state. This leniency was most explicitly illustrated in the show’s recent decision to hire Moussa, who had been managing editor of state-run daily Al-Ahram, to co-host the show.
For Eid, the targeting of even relatively soft-spoken critics reveals the regime's “despotic” nature.
“The fact that there are no clear and fixed red lines in the media can turn state friends into enemies at any moment,” he said. “This is typical of despotic regimes that have weak institutions and a blurred vision.”
Gouda, however, said that Al-Qahira Al-Youm does not necessarily toe the government line.
“Adeeb, with his cynical style, could be more provocative to the state more than other talk show presenters,” he said. “Therefore, it was only natural that he was targeted."
In any event, the ban comes at a critical juncture in Egypian politics. Given Mubarak’s shaky health condition, there is a growing sense of anticipation about who will succeed the 82-year-old president. In the meantime, opposition groups have sought to build momentum against the re-election of Mubarak and the possible nomination of his son for a presidential poll slated for 2011.
The opposition’s staunch views are closely monitored by the independent local press and widely diffused by private television stations.
“I believe the ceiling for freedom of expression will be lowered,” said Gouda. “The state will not want to fight on several fronts at once. It is already facing the opposition, young Facebook activists, ElBaradei, and foreign pressures."
"The least it can do is silence the talk-show front, which has become more outspoken in recent years," he added.
Monday, October 4, 2010
Trial of Khaled Saeed's alleged murderers resumes
Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm
September 25, 2010
The trial of the two policemen who allegedly beat a young man to death earlier this year resumed on Saturday amidst a resurgence of street demonstrations against human rights violations by the security forces.
Lawyers speaking on behalf of the victim demanded that the case be postponed again until all witnesses were present. In particular they insisted that the chief forensic officer who completed the autopsy report on Saeed should be present to give evidence.
“We insist that he comes to court to be questioned about the report,” said lawyer Raafat Nawwar. “He is the backbone of this case. His report is flawed and I cannot reveal the flaws until the next hearings. Our statements will be quite shocking.”
The court decided to adjourn the hearings until 23 October.
In June, news of the death of Khaled Saeed in the Mediterranean city of Alexandria made headlines. According to witnesses, the 28-year-old man was dragged out of an internet cafe before having his head repeatedly smashed against the ground. Allegedly Saeed’s family have said that he was killed after posting a video on the internet showing the involvement of policemen in drug deals.
However, the forensic report released in late June denied that Saeed was beaten to death confirming an earlier statement made by the minister of the interior that the victim died after choking on a bag of drugs.
“The case is 400 pages long and there is no evidence that could support the conviction of the defendants,” Refaat Abdel Hamid, lawyer for the defense, told Al-Masry Al-Youm.
In today’s hearings, Abdel Hamid claimed that Saeed’s family may have tampered with the victim’s body before the funeral. He also alleged that Saeed’s brother had bribed the guard at the mortuary, removed his brother’s body from cold storage and poured blood on his face before photographing him and circulating the pictures.
“This was meant to falsify evidence and mislead the court,” said Abdel Hamid.
However, the pictures circulated both in cyberspace and in the media show more than blood. Photos showing Saeed’s deformed face, crushed head and twisted jaw have stirred outrage in thousands of Egyptians who took to the street demanding the prosecution of the policemen involved. The case also drew harsh criticism from western governments and international human rights organizations.
On July 27, two undercover policemen Mahmoud Salah Mahmoud and Awad Ismail Suliman first took the stand in the Alexandria criminal court on charges that included illegal arrest and use of excessive force.
On Friday, Saeed’s supporters used Facebook to urge people to gather outside the Alexandria Court of First Instance to express their full support of the case and their condemnation of police human rights abuses.
“We are going there to tell the Egyptian judiciary and the world that Saeed’s case is a matter of public concern that will never die,” read the Facebook page called “We are All Khaled Saeed”.
In the wake of Saeed’s death, the page of the social networking site was created anonymously to serve as a platform to promote case. So far, the page has attracted nearly 280,000 people.
Nearly a hundred of pro-Saeed demonstrators were confronted by hundreds of riot police who encircled the court building, and people believed to be plainclothes policemen raised banners in support of the two detectives and shouted, “They are drug addicts,” pointing at their adversaries.
Some took off their shirts and stood in their underwear brandishing wooden sticks to intimidate Saeed’s sympathizers, according to witnesses.
“This is a group of secret police and thugs,” said Khaled al-Sayed, a 26-year-old engineer who traveled from Cairo to Alexandria with another 23 activists to participate in the pro-Saeed protest. “The police are harassing all those who sympathize with the case and keeping the trial on hold so that people will get bored and give up.”
The fading red lines in Egypt's political literature
Originally published in Al-Masry Al-Youm
September 22, 2010
In recent years, book vending booths and bookstore shelves have become crowded with cynical titles that carry the president’s name and cartoonish covers that mock his persona--a development that attests to the erosion of a decades-old taboo.
“Criticizing the president and his son is no longer a red line,” says Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information.
Titles condemning President Hosni Mubarak, anticipating the demise of his regime and attacking his family have been landing safely on the shelves of bookstores in Egypt for the last five years. In these explicit releases, words are not the only means of expression; graphics have risen as a new tool to convey rising disenchantment with Mubarak’s long reign.
Some covers depict the 82-year-old president as a cartoonish figure with a flabby, wrinkled face, as a king sitting on a throne covered by spider webs, as an amputatee military general, or as a fissured Roman statue.
“These books did not emerge because the government is more inclined to respect freedom of expression,” adds Eid. “It is because now we have brave writers who are more willing to defend freedom of speech.”
Abdel Halim Qandil is one of those writers who spearheaded the phenomenon of anti-Mubarak content.
“I began the campaign against the president in June 2000 right after I became the editor-in-chief of al-Arabi,” recounts the 54-year-old journalist.“The main motivation was what happened in Syria after the death of and the rise of his son as president. The paper came out with the headline ‘We are against turning republics into legacies’.”
Since then, the defiant journalist has written extensive articles against Mubarak and his son in the Nasserist party mouthpiece, seeking to mobilize a wider opposition that would resist alleged attempts to groom the 46-year-old former banker.
And in 2004, Qandil moved from rhetoric to action. With tens of activists, he co-founded the famous “Kefaya” movement which took to the streets shouting: “No to an extension of Mubarak’s mandate! No to hereditary succession!”
For the first time, the president’s persona was openly attacked in the public space.
In the midst of this unprecedented street mobility, Qandil was kidnapped, beaten and left naked in a remote area. Back then Qandil accused the government of using violence to intimidate him.
“I decided to publish the first book against Mubarak after this incident,” says Qandil. “I realized that if my articles remained in newspaper archives, they would eventually go with the wind. I decided to [compile them] in books to record this unique campaign that will be remembered as a landmark in the history of the Egyptian press.”
Eventually, his first book came out in 2005, under the title Against the President.
In the same year, his colleague Mohamed Taima from al-Arabi paper hit the public with his book Mubarak’s Dynastic Republarchy.
“The title is clear,” says Taima. “It combines republicanism that was instated by the [1952] revolution, and the monarchism that Gamal is trying to bring back.”
For three years as a journalist, Taima had scrutinized the ascendancy of Gamal within the ranks of the ruling National Democractic Party until he realized that his reporting would provide enough content for a fully-fledged book. Yet, finding a publisher was not an easy endeavor.
“I had a hard time finding a print house,” says Taima, who eventually settled for a small print shop in the poor neighborhood of Imbaba, but the mission had to be accomplished in full secrecy.
“I sponsored the first edition out of my own pocket. The print house owner used to turn off the lights at the front yard of his shop and work at the back,” remembers Taima, whose book is expected to go into its fifth printing soon.
While Qandil’s and Taima’s books adopt a sensational journalistic style based on anecdotes and highly opinionated assumptions, Ahmed al-Naggar, an economist with Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, has chosen a strictly academic approach in dissecting Mubarak’s economic performance throughout his 29 years in office.
His book, titled The Economic Deterioration in Mubarak’s Times, examines multiple layers of Mubarak’s economic policies, dismissing them as amenable to a slow growth rate, corruption, a flawed taxation system and skyrocketing poverty rates.
Substantiated with figures, tables and charts, the first printing of al-Naggar’s book, which came out shortly ahead of the 2005 presidential poll, made an explicit plea against the re-election of Mubarak.
“We should not remain under the same regime and ruled by the same president. The extension of his rule would only lead to more social injustice, poverty and unemployment,” says al-Naggar.
According to Eid, these writings began to flourish in the wake of the fall of Baghdad to the Americans in 2003. The quick demise of Saddam Hussein’s regime emboldened the Egyptian opposition to challenge their presidents.
“The fall of a dictator within very few days proved that he was not as strong as he claimed and made people feel that they could push for democracy themselves rather than wait for [foreign] tanks to bring it,” adds the human rights advocate.
This development coincided with the boom in independent papers and satellite channels and the exploration of new cyber venues such as blogs and Facebook, which all served as platforms to channel political and social discontent, explains Eid.
Nevertheless, this abundance in outlets did not guarantee the erosion of all taboos. Tackling the military remains a red line, contends Eid.
Qandil has tried to test this ceiling in many of his writings, though. In his book The Last days, Qandil raises the question as to what would happen if a military general succeeds Mubarak. This chapter did not go unnoticed, according to Qandil. He claims the military summoned him and suspended the book, demanding it be revised. The publishing house sent copies for examination but defied orders to stop printing and released the book in 2008, adds Qandil.
“The military could have acted outside the law and referred me to a military tribunal, but this did not happen,” he says.
“The military seemed as if it was not concerned with the matter, or liked my criticism of the Gamal Mubarak scenario,”adds Qandil, who has just released a new book titled The Alternative President, in which he tackles the role of the military in the post-Mubarak scenario.
Strangely enough, none of these books have been banned and none of the authors have been arrested--in a country with a poor human rights record.
For Taima, this attitude attests to the fragmentation of Mubarak’s regime. “The regime is not capable of extending its control anymore to tighten this margin of freedom,” says Taima.
On the contrary: Tolerating such incendiary content is a well-calculated decision, contends Eid.
“Egypt is very smart. It does not ban or suspend books, unlike Syria and Tunisia,” says Eid. “Such moves would make these products more popular. It lets these things appear, but continues to chase and harass their creators.”
September 22, 2010
In recent years, book vending booths and bookstore shelves have become crowded with cynical titles that carry the president’s name and cartoonish covers that mock his persona--a development that attests to the erosion of a decades-old taboo.
“Criticizing the president and his son is no longer a red line,” says Gamal Eid, executive director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information.
Titles condemning President Hosni Mubarak, anticipating the demise of his regime and attacking his family have been landing safely on the shelves of bookstores in Egypt for the last five years. In these explicit releases, words are not the only means of expression; graphics have risen as a new tool to convey rising disenchantment with Mubarak’s long reign.
Some covers depict the 82-year-old president as a cartoonish figure with a flabby, wrinkled face, as a king sitting on a throne covered by spider webs, as an amputatee military general, or as a fissured Roman statue.
“These books did not emerge because the government is more inclined to respect freedom of expression,” adds Eid. “It is because now we have brave writers who are more willing to defend freedom of speech.”
Abdel Halim Qandil is one of those writers who spearheaded the phenomenon of anti-Mubarak content.
“I began the campaign against the president in June 2000 right after I became the editor-in-chief of al-Arabi,” recounts the 54-year-old journalist.“The main motivation was what happened in Syria after the death of and the rise of his son as president. The paper came out with the headline ‘We are against turning republics into legacies’.”
Since then, the defiant journalist has written extensive articles against Mubarak and his son in the Nasserist party mouthpiece, seeking to mobilize a wider opposition that would resist alleged attempts to groom the 46-year-old former banker.
And in 2004, Qandil moved from rhetoric to action. With tens of activists, he co-founded the famous “Kefaya” movement which took to the streets shouting: “No to an extension of Mubarak’s mandate! No to hereditary succession!”
For the first time, the president’s persona was openly attacked in the public space.
In the midst of this unprecedented street mobility, Qandil was kidnapped, beaten and left naked in a remote area. Back then Qandil accused the government of using violence to intimidate him.
“I decided to publish the first book against Mubarak after this incident,” says Qandil. “I realized that if my articles remained in newspaper archives, they would eventually go with the wind. I decided to [compile them] in books to record this unique campaign that will be remembered as a landmark in the history of the Egyptian press.”
Eventually, his first book came out in 2005, under the title Against the President.
In the same year, his colleague Mohamed Taima from al-Arabi paper hit the public with his book Mubarak’s Dynastic Republarchy.
“The title is clear,” says Taima. “It combines republicanism that was instated by the [1952] revolution, and the monarchism that Gamal is trying to bring back.”
For three years as a journalist, Taima had scrutinized the ascendancy of Gamal within the ranks of the ruling National Democractic Party until he realized that his reporting would provide enough content for a fully-fledged book. Yet, finding a publisher was not an easy endeavor.
“I had a hard time finding a print house,” says Taima, who eventually settled for a small print shop in the poor neighborhood of Imbaba, but the mission had to be accomplished in full secrecy.
“I sponsored the first edition out of my own pocket. The print house owner used to turn off the lights at the front yard of his shop and work at the back,” remembers Taima, whose book is expected to go into its fifth printing soon.
While Qandil’s and Taima’s books adopt a sensational journalistic style based on anecdotes and highly opinionated assumptions, Ahmed al-Naggar, an economist with Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, has chosen a strictly academic approach in dissecting Mubarak’s economic performance throughout his 29 years in office.
His book, titled The Economic Deterioration in Mubarak’s Times, examines multiple layers of Mubarak’s economic policies, dismissing them as amenable to a slow growth rate, corruption, a flawed taxation system and skyrocketing poverty rates.
Substantiated with figures, tables and charts, the first printing of al-Naggar’s book, which came out shortly ahead of the 2005 presidential poll, made an explicit plea against the re-election of Mubarak.
“We should not remain under the same regime and ruled by the same president. The extension of his rule would only lead to more social injustice, poverty and unemployment,” says al-Naggar.
According to Eid, these writings began to flourish in the wake of the fall of Baghdad to the Americans in 2003. The quick demise of Saddam Hussein’s regime emboldened the Egyptian opposition to challenge their presidents.
“The fall of a dictator within very few days proved that he was not as strong as he claimed and made people feel that they could push for democracy themselves rather than wait for [foreign] tanks to bring it,” adds the human rights advocate.
This development coincided with the boom in independent papers and satellite channels and the exploration of new cyber venues such as blogs and Facebook, which all served as platforms to channel political and social discontent, explains Eid.
Nevertheless, this abundance in outlets did not guarantee the erosion of all taboos. Tackling the military remains a red line, contends Eid.
Qandil has tried to test this ceiling in many of his writings, though. In his book The Last days, Qandil raises the question as to what would happen if a military general succeeds Mubarak. This chapter did not go unnoticed, according to Qandil. He claims the military summoned him and suspended the book, demanding it be revised. The publishing house sent copies for examination but defied orders to stop printing and released the book in 2008, adds Qandil.
“The military could have acted outside the law and referred me to a military tribunal, but this did not happen,” he says.
“The military seemed as if it was not concerned with the matter, or liked my criticism of the Gamal Mubarak scenario,”adds Qandil, who has just released a new book titled The Alternative President, in which he tackles the role of the military in the post-Mubarak scenario.
Strangely enough, none of these books have been banned and none of the authors have been arrested--in a country with a poor human rights record.
For Taima, this attitude attests to the fragmentation of Mubarak’s regime. “The regime is not capable of extending its control anymore to tighten this margin of freedom,” says Taima.
On the contrary: Tolerating such incendiary content is a well-calculated decision, contends Eid.
“Egypt is very smart. It does not ban or suspend books, unlike Syria and Tunisia,” says Eid. “Such moves would make these products more popular. It lets these things appear, but continues to chase and harass their creators.”
Wednesday, September 8, 2010
Ahl Cairo: Egypt's high society under the microscope
Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm English edition
At a seven-star hotel, thousands of guests gather to attend the wedding of celebrity Safi Selim and prominent Egyptian-American doctor Sherif Rasekh. For hours, the cream of society indulges in dancing and drinking in an exceptionally opulent and jovial environment. But the occasion ends shockingly: The bride is stabbed in the neck in her suite a few hours after the ceremony. And the killer's identity is unknown.
With this thrilling plot, “Ahl Cairo” or “The Cairenes” television serial has attracted millions of Arab viewers during Ramadan, and stands out as one of the best among at least thirty drama shows this season. It is not just the suspense that distinguishes the show, but its ugly portrayal of Cairo’s upper class--a community the director represents as plagued by promiscuity and the notorious marriage between power and money.
The show, which broadcasts on at least five satellite channels, exposes the grave social chasm that has opened up in Egypt in recent years leaving nearly 40 percent of the population trapped in poverty. “Ahl Cairo” offers a controversial account of social mobility in this highly fragmented society though the character of “Safi Selim,” or Amina.
Amina is a lascivious girl who grew up in a poor family in Cairo’s al-Qalaa neighborhood. As soon as she began studying mass communication she mingled with classmates from a far higher social stratum, who eventually helped her become an advertising model and then a movie star.
Her sex appeal allowed her to seduce politicians as well as businessmen who became entwined in secret affairs with the irresistible young lady. Thanks to this social network, Selim accumulated tons of money and conquered the ranks of Cairo’s westernized elite. Eventually, she married rich. But the marriage was short-lived, as the husband found out about his wife’s promiscuity through watching a DVD of her in bed with a business tycoon. The husband left, and shortly after Amina was found murdered in her room.
This curious crime brings in the series' protagonist, Hassan Mahfouz. Mahfouz is an honest, dedicated and risk-taking policeman who remains speechless when an audacious suspect accuses him of belonging to an institution implicated in human rights violations. He is assigned to investigate the murder of this controversial actress.
“This is the famous theme known as ‘crime at a party,’” says drama critic Rami Abdel Razek. “It is about a crime that happens at a party and there is multiple evidence that suggests that each and every character could be the criminal, yet the perpetrator is just one person. Nevertheless, all characters are portrayed as guilty toward society.”
The show’s plot revolves around Hassan’s journey to find the murderer. He finds an abundance of evidence pointing to the prominent businessman Nadim Kamal, who enjoys political leverage and who had an affair with the victim in the past. To defend himself, Nadim proves that he was at a business meeting with an Israeli delegation while the crime was committed.
With such a defense, the investigation becomes more complex. Mahfouz continues to come across more evidence that suggests the involvement of more players.
According to Abdel Razek, the show seems inspired by many recent scandals that made headlines in local and international press in connection with the promiscuity of businessmen. The most notable of these incidents was the murder of the Lebanese singer Suzanne Tamim whose throat was slit in her house in Dubai in summer 2008. The murder turned out to be instigated by parliamentarian and real estate tycoon Hesham Talaat Mostafa. In 2009, he was handed down a death sentence. He appealed, and the final verdict is still to be handed down.
“The writer’s reading of the relationship between actresses and businessmen and ambitions of social mobility in some classes is good, but it does not say anything new,” says Abdel Razek. “Drama should offer something that goes beyond what is being said in talk shows and the press.”
Yet, Abdel Razek acknowledges that Belal Fadl (the screenwriter)'s reading of the in-and-outs of the privately-owned media is an innovative portrayal of a zone that has never been examined so closely until now.
“As a veteran journalist, Belal Fadl is capable of portraying the backstage of the press well,” he says.
In the show, Fadl dissects the local press by examining the plight of Dalia, a young, talented and conscientious reporter at a privately-owned daily. She outscooped her competitors with her coverage of the killing of Safi Selim thanks to Mahfouz, who entrusted her with confidential information.
Yet, her scoops usually run the risk of being manipulated by her opportunist and hypocritical editor. Through daily feuds between Dalia and her boss, “Ahl Cairo” seems to convey the writer’s disillusionment with the rising so-called independent press.
Unfortunately, Fadl, who is out of the country, could not comment.
His work is one of a few television serials that have manifested a high level of political drama this year. While “Ahl Cairo” zooms in on Egypt’s elite, "Al-Hara" or "The Alley" dissects the plight of Egypt’s slum population which languishes in poverty and ignorance.
Unlike previous shows, the content of this year’s TV dramas no longer relies on political undertones or insinuations. Instead, writers convey explicit political criticisms of the government. For example, anti-government protests are common scenes in some of this year’s shows.
For Abdel Razek, this is a flaw that attests to the weakness of scriptwriters.
“This politicization is not new," he says. "What is new is that the politicized drama has become more direct than what we had in the 1980s and 1990s.”
“Unfortunately, today’s drama is rhetorical and direct...rhetoric is the disease of any drama show no matter who the writer is,” Abdel Razek adds.
For many critics, redundancy is another evil of “Ahl Cairo”.
“This beautiful work is missing condensation. Many scenes that do not serve the main events should have been omitted,” wrote Lilas Souidan in Kuwati paper Al-Qabas this week.
But such redundancy has not dissuaded viewers from following the show anxiously, hoping to know who the murderer is in the next couple of days as Ramadan nears its end.
September 8, 2010
At a seven-star hotel, thousands of guests gather to attend the wedding of celebrity Safi Selim and prominent Egyptian-American doctor Sherif Rasekh. For hours, the cream of society indulges in dancing and drinking in an exceptionally opulent and jovial environment. But the occasion ends shockingly: The bride is stabbed in the neck in her suite a few hours after the ceremony. And the killer's identity is unknown.
With this thrilling plot, “Ahl Cairo” or “The Cairenes” television serial has attracted millions of Arab viewers during Ramadan, and stands out as one of the best among at least thirty drama shows this season. It is not just the suspense that distinguishes the show, but its ugly portrayal of Cairo’s upper class--a community the director represents as plagued by promiscuity and the notorious marriage between power and money.
The show, which broadcasts on at least five satellite channels, exposes the grave social chasm that has opened up in Egypt in recent years leaving nearly 40 percent of the population trapped in poverty. “Ahl Cairo” offers a controversial account of social mobility in this highly fragmented society though the character of “Safi Selim,” or Amina.
Amina is a lascivious girl who grew up in a poor family in Cairo’s al-Qalaa neighborhood. As soon as she began studying mass communication she mingled with classmates from a far higher social stratum, who eventually helped her become an advertising model and then a movie star.
Her sex appeal allowed her to seduce politicians as well as businessmen who became entwined in secret affairs with the irresistible young lady. Thanks to this social network, Selim accumulated tons of money and conquered the ranks of Cairo’s westernized elite. Eventually, she married rich. But the marriage was short-lived, as the husband found out about his wife’s promiscuity through watching a DVD of her in bed with a business tycoon. The husband left, and shortly after Amina was found murdered in her room.
This curious crime brings in the series' protagonist, Hassan Mahfouz. Mahfouz is an honest, dedicated and risk-taking policeman who remains speechless when an audacious suspect accuses him of belonging to an institution implicated in human rights violations. He is assigned to investigate the murder of this controversial actress.
“This is the famous theme known as ‘crime at a party,’” says drama critic Rami Abdel Razek. “It is about a crime that happens at a party and there is multiple evidence that suggests that each and every character could be the criminal, yet the perpetrator is just one person. Nevertheless, all characters are portrayed as guilty toward society.”
The show’s plot revolves around Hassan’s journey to find the murderer. He finds an abundance of evidence pointing to the prominent businessman Nadim Kamal, who enjoys political leverage and who had an affair with the victim in the past. To defend himself, Nadim proves that he was at a business meeting with an Israeli delegation while the crime was committed.
With such a defense, the investigation becomes more complex. Mahfouz continues to come across more evidence that suggests the involvement of more players.
According to Abdel Razek, the show seems inspired by many recent scandals that made headlines in local and international press in connection with the promiscuity of businessmen. The most notable of these incidents was the murder of the Lebanese singer Suzanne Tamim whose throat was slit in her house in Dubai in summer 2008. The murder turned out to be instigated by parliamentarian and real estate tycoon Hesham Talaat Mostafa. In 2009, he was handed down a death sentence. He appealed, and the final verdict is still to be handed down.
“The writer’s reading of the relationship between actresses and businessmen and ambitions of social mobility in some classes is good, but it does not say anything new,” says Abdel Razek. “Drama should offer something that goes beyond what is being said in talk shows and the press.”
Yet, Abdel Razek acknowledges that Belal Fadl (the screenwriter)'s reading of the in-and-outs of the privately-owned media is an innovative portrayal of a zone that has never been examined so closely until now.
“As a veteran journalist, Belal Fadl is capable of portraying the backstage of the press well,” he says.
In the show, Fadl dissects the local press by examining the plight of Dalia, a young, talented and conscientious reporter at a privately-owned daily. She outscooped her competitors with her coverage of the killing of Safi Selim thanks to Mahfouz, who entrusted her with confidential information.
Yet, her scoops usually run the risk of being manipulated by her opportunist and hypocritical editor. Through daily feuds between Dalia and her boss, “Ahl Cairo” seems to convey the writer’s disillusionment with the rising so-called independent press.
Unfortunately, Fadl, who is out of the country, could not comment.
His work is one of a few television serials that have manifested a high level of political drama this year. While “Ahl Cairo” zooms in on Egypt’s elite, "Al-Hara" or "The Alley" dissects the plight of Egypt’s slum population which languishes in poverty and ignorance.
Unlike previous shows, the content of this year’s TV dramas no longer relies on political undertones or insinuations. Instead, writers convey explicit political criticisms of the government. For example, anti-government protests are common scenes in some of this year’s shows.
For Abdel Razek, this is a flaw that attests to the weakness of scriptwriters.
“This politicization is not new," he says. "What is new is that the politicized drama has become more direct than what we had in the 1980s and 1990s.”
“Unfortunately, today’s drama is rhetorical and direct...rhetoric is the disease of any drama show no matter who the writer is,” Abdel Razek adds.
For many critics, redundancy is another evil of “Ahl Cairo”.
“This beautiful work is missing condensation. Many scenes that do not serve the main events should have been omitted,” wrote Lilas Souidan in Kuwati paper Al-Qabas this week.
But such redundancy has not dissuaded viewers from following the show anxiously, hoping to know who the murderer is in the next couple of days as Ramadan nears its end.
ElBaradei threatens civil disobedience if reform demands ignored
Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm English edition
September 7, 2010
Surrounded by nearly 200 young followers at an iftar gathering in Sayeda Zeinab Monday, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei repeated a warning that civil disobedience could be resorted to if the regime continues to ignore demands for reform.
“Civil disobedience is our last card in the peaceful process for change,” ElBaradei told members of the Popular Campaign to Support ElBaradei. “We do not want to resort to that, but we will not refrain from resorting to it if the regime doesn't respond to [our demands].”
The former head of the UN nuclear watchdog has emerged as a rallying figure for political reform in recent months. Thousands of young Egyptians and dozens of prominent opposition figures have thrown their full support behind his seven reform demands that include ending the state of emergency, amending the Constitution to allow for real multi-party presidential elections, ensuring judicial supervision of the vote, and putting an end to election fraud. Earlier, his campaigners threatened to strike if these demands go unheeded.
“We want to retrieve our freedom,” ElBaradei told his supporters at the iftar. “We want the people to rule themselves. We want the regime to be the people’s representative rather than custodian.”
ElBaradei’s supporters have been collecting signatures in favor of his petition in different Egyptian governorates through door-to-door canvassing and over the internet. So far the petition has attracted nearly 800,000 signatures.
Like most regime opponents, ElBaradei’s campaign is seeking to build a momentum for change ahead of the presidential elections slated for 2011. Although the leadership of the ruling National Democratic Party has confirmed that President Hosni Mubarak will be the party’s nominee, the incumbent’s ill-health raises doubts over his ability to run for a sixth term.
“The upcoming year and upcoming months will be decisive,” said ElBaradei. “A regime change may happen within months or a year.”
His defiant tone was met with fervent applause and whistles. His audience shouted: “Go ahead, Baradei, we are behind you to bring about change!” and “Oh, unjust regime, change is coming!”
“Today, ElBaradei’s speech was bolder than his previous ones,” 21-year-old Tanta University graduate Ahmed Abd Rabboh told Al-Masry Al-Youm on the sidelines of the iftar.
“This courage stems from the signatures that were collected and the popular support that he garnered over six months,” added Abd Rabboh.
Yet the signatures are not enough to convince ElBaradei to send his followers into the streets to further pressure the regime. The former diplomat warned the enthusiastic crowd against rushing and urged them to wait for “the right timing.”
“We should not take to the street until we know that such a move will mark the beginning of the end of this regime,” said ElBaradei.
Many of his supporters hailed ElBaradei’s warning as a wise approach. “Taking to the street is not a good option now. A confrontation with the regime may provoke a brutal reaction,” said 32-year old radiologist Dina Amin.
“We want him to take to the street with 50 or 60 thousand people to prove his strength to the regime. Up until now, not enough people would take to the street,” said Abd Rabboh.
ElBaradei also renewed a call for boycotting the upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled for November. He expects the poll to be marred by fraud since the government refuses to ensure full judicial inspection of balloting stations. ElBaradei said whoever participates in the poll, whether as a voter or a candidate, would be violating “the national will.”
Yet the Nobel Prize laureate’s call seems to have fallen on deaf ears, as most opposition parties, as well as ElBaradei’s Muslim Brotherhood allies, are all likely to field candidates for parliament.
“People have different views,” said ElBaradei. “I cannot impose my views on them. All I can do is [use] the power of persuasion.”
September 7, 2010
Surrounded by nearly 200 young followers at an iftar gathering in Sayeda Zeinab Monday, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei repeated a warning that civil disobedience could be resorted to if the regime continues to ignore demands for reform.
“Civil disobedience is our last card in the peaceful process for change,” ElBaradei told members of the Popular Campaign to Support ElBaradei. “We do not want to resort to that, but we will not refrain from resorting to it if the regime doesn't respond to [our demands].”
The former head of the UN nuclear watchdog has emerged as a rallying figure for political reform in recent months. Thousands of young Egyptians and dozens of prominent opposition figures have thrown their full support behind his seven reform demands that include ending the state of emergency, amending the Constitution to allow for real multi-party presidential elections, ensuring judicial supervision of the vote, and putting an end to election fraud. Earlier, his campaigners threatened to strike if these demands go unheeded.
“We want to retrieve our freedom,” ElBaradei told his supporters at the iftar. “We want the people to rule themselves. We want the regime to be the people’s representative rather than custodian.”
ElBaradei’s supporters have been collecting signatures in favor of his petition in different Egyptian governorates through door-to-door canvassing and over the internet. So far the petition has attracted nearly 800,000 signatures.
Like most regime opponents, ElBaradei’s campaign is seeking to build a momentum for change ahead of the presidential elections slated for 2011. Although the leadership of the ruling National Democratic Party has confirmed that President Hosni Mubarak will be the party’s nominee, the incumbent’s ill-health raises doubts over his ability to run for a sixth term.
“The upcoming year and upcoming months will be decisive,” said ElBaradei. “A regime change may happen within months or a year.”
His defiant tone was met with fervent applause and whistles. His audience shouted: “Go ahead, Baradei, we are behind you to bring about change!” and “Oh, unjust regime, change is coming!”
“Today, ElBaradei’s speech was bolder than his previous ones,” 21-year-old Tanta University graduate Ahmed Abd Rabboh told Al-Masry Al-Youm on the sidelines of the iftar.
“This courage stems from the signatures that were collected and the popular support that he garnered over six months,” added Abd Rabboh.
Yet the signatures are not enough to convince ElBaradei to send his followers into the streets to further pressure the regime. The former diplomat warned the enthusiastic crowd against rushing and urged them to wait for “the right timing.”
“We should not take to the street until we know that such a move will mark the beginning of the end of this regime,” said ElBaradei.
Many of his supporters hailed ElBaradei’s warning as a wise approach. “Taking to the street is not a good option now. A confrontation with the regime may provoke a brutal reaction,” said 32-year old radiologist Dina Amin.
“We want him to take to the street with 50 or 60 thousand people to prove his strength to the regime. Up until now, not enough people would take to the street,” said Abd Rabboh.
ElBaradei also renewed a call for boycotting the upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled for November. He expects the poll to be marred by fraud since the government refuses to ensure full judicial inspection of balloting stations. ElBaradei said whoever participates in the poll, whether as a voter or a candidate, would be violating “the national will.”
Yet the Nobel Prize laureate’s call seems to have fallen on deaf ears, as most opposition parties, as well as ElBaradei’s Muslim Brotherhood allies, are all likely to field candidates for parliament.
“People have different views,” said ElBaradei. “I cannot impose my views on them. All I can do is [use] the power of persuasion.”
Facebook activists maintain support for ElBaradei despite photos
Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm English edition
September 5, 2010
The Facebook page that featured private pictures of Mohamed ElBaradei’s daugther in swimsuits and claimed she was agnostic has provoked a storm of cyber outrage among the former diplomat’s supporters who posted hundreds of messages dismissing the photos as an attempt by the ruling regime to discredit a potential condenter.
“How much money did you get from the state security apparatus to publish this?” wrote Ashraf Abddo, who denounced the page’s creator as “a whore”.
Last week, the page titled “The secrets of ElBaradei’s family” was created by an anonymous facebook user who claimed to be a close friend of ElBaradei’s daughter. “I have been friends with Laila ElBaradei for a long time. I was surprised when I learned that Dr. ElBaradei wants to become president. I was shocked when he visited mosques and prayed given that he and his family have no religion. This is what drove me to speak out and tell the truth,” wrote the page’s creator on the social networking site Facebook.
The page displayed at least thirty photos of ElBaradei’s family showing his daughter in swimsuits at the beach and at events where glasses of alcohol appear to be present.
The page’s architect has also posted a screen shot of Laila’s alleged Facebook profile page showing that she identifies herself as agnostic.
“Even if ElBaradei turned out to be an extra-terrestrial alien, I will back him,” wrote Ahmed Maher Rashad in response to the pictures on Facebook. Many of the nearly 1600 users who added the Facebook page to their profile are now calling upon each other to quit the page as the best strategy to downplay the campaign.
“All respectful people who dislike this charade that seeks to destroy the reputation of a respectful person should leave this page right away,” wrote Maha Ezzelarab. “Otherwise they would be giving it more fame for nothing.”
In an interview with a local paper published Saturday, ElBaradei accused President Hosni Mubarak’s regime of waging a campaign of “sheer lies” against him with these photos.
"This is typical and the only way the regime responds to those calling for democracy, political reforms, social justice and preserving people's human rights," he was quoted as saying.
Earlier this year, ElBaradei made headlines after he announced that he would run for president if genuine reforms were introduced to allow independents to run in the presidential poll slated for 2011. Hundreds of young activists and renowned opposition figures rallied around the former diplomat who find in ElBaradei a credible alternative to Mubarak. Since then, ElBaradei has become the de facto leader of a reform campaign that seeks to convince millions of Egyptians to sign a petition with a set of reform demands.
“You should be NDP agents," wrote a facebook user who identified himself as a Mostafa Pentagram as he addressed the Facebook page's sponsors."Is Mubarak a saint who has never tasted wine? Is Gamal [Mubarak] an Imam? I am telling you; you will lose..the end is very close.“
This Facebook page stands as the latest episode of a media campaign that has targeted ElBaradei since he entered the political limelight in February. The state-owned media has dismissed the former head of the UN atomic agency as an outsider who has lived most of his life in the west and knows very little about Egyptian social and political realities.
In April, Abdallah Kamal, editor in chief of Rose al-Youssef daily and an outspoken supporter of Mubarak’s regime, questioned ElBaradei’s faith and wondered if he observed the five Muslim prayers in the wake of a rally that he held at a mosque in a Delta province. In the article titled “ElBaradei and religious hypocrisy”, there was an early mention of ElBaradei’s daughter as Abdullah wondered about her religious leanings.
According to Mostafa Kamel al-Sayed, professor of political science with the American University in Cairo, these photos might be used by the government to further discredit ElBaradei in a highly conservative society.
“The photos of his daughter whether they are genuine or not would serve the [government’s] purpose of discrediting him as a good Muslim,” said Mostafa. However, he downplayed the impact that these pictures could have on ElBaradei’s popularity.
“Supporters of ElBaradei will not take this seriously. The sources of photos are not very credible and Facebook is not a very reliable source of information. It is quite possible to fake pictures,” al-Sayed added.
Many of ElBaradei’s facebook supporters voiced the same doubts over the integrity of the pictures and contended that they must be fabricated. “Photoshop can do everything. I am telling you...this is orchestrated by the state security,” wrote Hossam Mohamed.
But a few viewers expressed their disillusionment with the reform figure after watching the pictures. “I am shocked by the pictures. I used to support ElBaradei but after seeing these pictures and knowing this information, I say no to Elbaradei,” wrote Ahmed Said.
Elbaradei is expected to hold two meetings this week--one with his young campaigners and another with workers.
Thursday, September 2, 2010
Baradei to return amid doubts over his future
Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm
August 31, 2010
As Mohamed ElBaradei gets ready to board his flight from Vienna to Cairo Wednesday, questions linger regarding future moves for his nascent opposition movement vis-à-vis a regime that shows no willingness to make reform concessions.
For several months, followers of the former head of the International Atomic Energy Association (IAEA) have been collecting signatures in favor of his reform petition, in which ElBaradei provides seven demands ahead of the parliamentary poll slated for late November. His plea includes ending the state of emergency, amending the constitution to allow for real multi-party presidential elections, ensuring judicial supervision of the vote, and putting an end to election fraud.
While the number of signatures keeps rising, there is no indication that the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) will heed any of these demands. Earlier this month, spokesman of the outgoing parliament Fathi Sorour ruled out introducing changes to the constitution.
“All other ways are blocked. Freedom has a cost and people should be ready to pay that cost,” said Hassan Nafae, coordinator of the National Association for Change (NAC), the group formed under ElBaradei’s auspices in April.
“We tell people frankly that the state will not necessarily heed our demands because the NDP does not respect the people’s will. So we may ask [people] to demonstrate on the street and things may escalate to civil disobedience,” added Nafae.
However, the NAC has not decided when this escalation may occur, according to prominent NAC leader George Ishaq.
“Civil disobedience is a big issue and it needs preparation. We are working on that,” said Ishaq.
So far, the NAC has collected nearly 800,000 signatures.
But convincing signatories of engaging in open protests remains beyond the group’s capabilities, according to Amr Elshobaki, an expert with al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies.
“Civil disobedience is a very difficult challenge. There is no indication that 80,000 out of the 800,000 signatories would take to the street,” said Elshobaki.
“It is hard to do that under the current regime and given the nature of the signatories. They are ready to sign but they are not ready to take to the street,” he added.
At least 600,000 out of the group’s 800,000 sympathizers belong to Egypt's largest and most organized opposition faction, the Muslim Brotherhood, which started to collect signatures in support of ElBaradei's reform demands through its website in July. But the Nobel Prize laureate should not rely too much on the Brotherhood's ability to mobilize in large numbers, said Elshobaki.
“The Muslim Brotherhood have their own calculations and they won’t take to the streets according to ElBaradei’s calculations,” explained Elshobaki.
Although Brotherhood officials consistently claim full endorsement of pro-democratic demands, the group has been criticized for not calling upon its large support base to take to the street.
According to experts on the nation’s oldest Islamist group, the Muslim Brotherhood remains reluctant to mobilize the masses for fear of antagonizing the regime and provoking a brutal crackdown like that of the 1950s and 1960s.
ElBaradei’s visit comes in the midst of preparations for November's parliamentary poll. Last week through his twitter account, ElBaradei renewed his call for opposition parties to boycott elections. The 68-year-old former diplomat says the opposition should not engage in elections that are not fully monitored by the judiciary.
“The boycott is a feasible and viable option provided that all opposition groups agree on that,” said Amr Hamzawy, an expert with Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “Otherwise, parties will be granting the regime legitimacy.”
In 2005, the parliamentary poll was reportedly marred by fraud and violence that claimed 13 lives. There were also reports of police intimidation toward supporters of NDP contenders. All these accounts drew significant international attention and elicited criticism from the US administration.
“This time is different from 2005. The international community is not concerned with democracy anymore. Even if the election is marred by violence and vote rigging, the international community will not pay attention. So boycotting may draw more attention than participating,” added Hamzawy.
So far, there is no consensus among the opposition to give up the poll. The nation’s two largest opposition parties Wafd and Tagammu are expected to participate. The Muslim Brotherhood is not yet decided on whether to boycott.
“We should not look down upon those who will participate and accuse them of being acquiescent,” said al-Ahram's Elshobaki. “They believe that things are changing and they should get engaged with new realities and change the system from within.”
This is ElBaradei’s first visit since June. He is expected to hold two events in Cairo--an iftarwith his young followers on September 6 and possibly a supper with labor unionists on September 7, according to his brother Ali ElBaradei.
While NAC sources say the former IAEA head will leave in ten days and come back for a longer stay in October, his brother says he has not specified his departure date yet. Many of ElBaradei’s supporters have criticized him for not settling in Egypt and accused him of being reluctant to dedicate his full time and attention to the reform call.
“His presence would have been better because he would have gone out to people, discussed problems with them," said Nafae. "If people could see him and talk with him directly, they would feel that he is the true leader of change and this will serve the project for change better.”
Earlier this year, ElBaradei drew local and international attention when he said he would vie for the presidency in 2011 if fair and free elections were guaranteed. Upon this announcement, dozens of opposition figures and hundreds of youths anxious to find a credible alternative to the existing regime, rallied around him.
“The mobilization that ElBaradei engendered in the beginning is over,” said Hamzawy.
“Now, it is a one-man show. ElBaradei does not coordinate with other opposition players including opposition parties and movements,” contended Hamzawy.
Elshobaki is not on the same wavelength as Hamzaway. “The fact that ElBaradei is not involved in the details of the involvement game is positive,” he said.
“The political game in Egypt has no rules and it drains people and makes them get consumed in internal conflicts and exchanges of accusations,” said Elshobaki.
August 31, 2010
As Mohamed ElBaradei gets ready to board his flight from Vienna to Cairo Wednesday, questions linger regarding future moves for his nascent opposition movement vis-à-vis a regime that shows no willingness to make reform concessions.
For several months, followers of the former head of the International Atomic Energy Association (IAEA) have been collecting signatures in favor of his reform petition, in which ElBaradei provides seven demands ahead of the parliamentary poll slated for late November. His plea includes ending the state of emergency, amending the constitution to allow for real multi-party presidential elections, ensuring judicial supervision of the vote, and putting an end to election fraud.
While the number of signatures keeps rising, there is no indication that the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) will heed any of these demands. Earlier this month, spokesman of the outgoing parliament Fathi Sorour ruled out introducing changes to the constitution.
“All other ways are blocked. Freedom has a cost and people should be ready to pay that cost,” said Hassan Nafae, coordinator of the National Association for Change (NAC), the group formed under ElBaradei’s auspices in April.
“We tell people frankly that the state will not necessarily heed our demands because the NDP does not respect the people’s will. So we may ask [people] to demonstrate on the street and things may escalate to civil disobedience,” added Nafae.
However, the NAC has not decided when this escalation may occur, according to prominent NAC leader George Ishaq.
“Civil disobedience is a big issue and it needs preparation. We are working on that,” said Ishaq.
So far, the NAC has collected nearly 800,000 signatures.
But convincing signatories of engaging in open protests remains beyond the group’s capabilities, according to Amr Elshobaki, an expert with al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies.
“Civil disobedience is a very difficult challenge. There is no indication that 80,000 out of the 800,000 signatories would take to the street,” said Elshobaki.
“It is hard to do that under the current regime and given the nature of the signatories. They are ready to sign but they are not ready to take to the street,” he added.
At least 600,000 out of the group’s 800,000 sympathizers belong to Egypt's largest and most organized opposition faction, the Muslim Brotherhood, which started to collect signatures in support of ElBaradei's reform demands through its website in July. But the Nobel Prize laureate should not rely too much on the Brotherhood's ability to mobilize in large numbers, said Elshobaki.
“The Muslim Brotherhood have their own calculations and they won’t take to the streets according to ElBaradei’s calculations,” explained Elshobaki.
Although Brotherhood officials consistently claim full endorsement of pro-democratic demands, the group has been criticized for not calling upon its large support base to take to the street.
According to experts on the nation’s oldest Islamist group, the Muslim Brotherhood remains reluctant to mobilize the masses for fear of antagonizing the regime and provoking a brutal crackdown like that of the 1950s and 1960s.
ElBaradei’s visit comes in the midst of preparations for November's parliamentary poll. Last week through his twitter account, ElBaradei renewed his call for opposition parties to boycott elections. The 68-year-old former diplomat says the opposition should not engage in elections that are not fully monitored by the judiciary.
“The boycott is a feasible and viable option provided that all opposition groups agree on that,” said Amr Hamzawy, an expert with Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “Otherwise, parties will be granting the regime legitimacy.”
In 2005, the parliamentary poll was reportedly marred by fraud and violence that claimed 13 lives. There were also reports of police intimidation toward supporters of NDP contenders. All these accounts drew significant international attention and elicited criticism from the US administration.
“This time is different from 2005. The international community is not concerned with democracy anymore. Even if the election is marred by violence and vote rigging, the international community will not pay attention. So boycotting may draw more attention than participating,” added Hamzawy.
So far, there is no consensus among the opposition to give up the poll. The nation’s two largest opposition parties Wafd and Tagammu are expected to participate. The Muslim Brotherhood is not yet decided on whether to boycott.
“We should not look down upon those who will participate and accuse them of being acquiescent,” said al-Ahram's Elshobaki. “They believe that things are changing and they should get engaged with new realities and change the system from within.”
This is ElBaradei’s first visit since June. He is expected to hold two events in Cairo--an iftarwith his young followers on September 6 and possibly a supper with labor unionists on September 7, according to his brother Ali ElBaradei.
While NAC sources say the former IAEA head will leave in ten days and come back for a longer stay in October, his brother says he has not specified his departure date yet. Many of ElBaradei’s supporters have criticized him for not settling in Egypt and accused him of being reluctant to dedicate his full time and attention to the reform call.
“His presence would have been better because he would have gone out to people, discussed problems with them," said Nafae. "If people could see him and talk with him directly, they would feel that he is the true leader of change and this will serve the project for change better.”
Earlier this year, ElBaradei drew local and international attention when he said he would vie for the presidency in 2011 if fair and free elections were guaranteed. Upon this announcement, dozens of opposition figures and hundreds of youths anxious to find a credible alternative to the existing regime, rallied around him.
“The mobilization that ElBaradei engendered in the beginning is over,” said Hamzawy.
“Now, it is a one-man show. ElBaradei does not coordinate with other opposition players including opposition parties and movements,” contended Hamzawy.
Elshobaki is not on the same wavelength as Hamzaway. “The fact that ElBaradei is not involved in the details of the involvement game is positive,” he said.
“The political game in Egypt has no rules and it drains people and makes them get consumed in internal conflicts and exchanges of accusations,” said Elshobaki.
Sunday, August 29, 2010
Pro-Gamal Mubarak campaign re-ignites debate on future president
Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm
August 28, 2010
With the slogan “Gamal Mubarak: The Dream of the Poor”, Magdy al-Kordy and his agents are touring Egypt’s slums and low-income neighborhoods hoping to convince at least five million Egyptians to endorse Gamal Mubarak as Egypt’s next president.
“What distinguishes Gamal Mubarak is the fact that he is well-versed in Egyptian realities,” said al-Kordy. “He represents the young generation and seeks to ensure a better life for poor Egyptians.” said al-Kordy, founder of “Popular Coalition to Support Gamal Mubarak”.
Last month, the campaign kicked off in Sayyeda Zeinab, one of Cairo’s oldest neighborhoods. Gamal’s photos were posted on the doors of mechanic workshops, juice stores and façades of wonky few-story houses in tiny alleys.
“Gamal is a good man. He is not a snob. We find him in all football games among people,” said Sabah Hassan, who sells engine oil in Sayedda Zeinab few miles away from Cairo’s main slaughterhouse.
The question of hereditary succession sounds quite logical to the 54-year-old widow. “I sell oil. If anything happens to me, my son will take over because he knows the job. By the same token, Gamal should succeed his father,” added Sabah as she stood inside her modest store which hosts a poster reading "Gamal for all Egyptians".
Al-kordy, who makes a living off his coffee beans store in Mokkattam, admits his campaign was inspired by Gamal’s recent tours of poor villages--a move experts consider an attempt by the former banker to diffuse accusations that he prioritizes the interests of Egypt's elite.
However, not all the poor unconditionally swear allegiance to the president’s son. Some are too frustrated by Egypt's economic realities to buy political slogans.
“I do not think anyone is fit for the president’s position. I don’t think anyone could solve our problems.” said Ahmed Fathi.
Like thousands of his cohorts, the 28-year-old commerce school graduate has been jobless for the last five years. To make ends meet, he ended up selling juice at his father’s store in Zein al-Abedeen alley.
Surprisingly, al-Kordy does not hold a membership card of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). On the contrary, he was a member of the left-wing al-Tagammu opposition party. Upon his launch of the pro-Gamal campaign, al-Tagammu reportedly froze his membership.
Even more astonishingly, the 54-year-old former mechanic was a member of the Kefaya movement until 2009. For years, he was among the ranks of a group that spearheaded a staunch campaign against President Mubarak’s rule. Until last year, he was among those who warned against hereditary succession. Today, al-Kordy dismisses the term as a mere fabrication by an opportunistic intelligentsia.
“Hereditary succession is a lie made up by the elite,” al-Kordy told al-Masry al-Youm, “This elite is driven by personal interests and foreign agendas.”
Promoting the head of the NDP policies secretariat has recently become fashionable in slums areas. At least another two similar campaigns have been launched--one by a low-profile member of al-Wafd opposition party and another by an NDP member. Campaigners reportedly gave out T-shirts to the poor in exchange for signatures to support the 46-year-old politician.
Impoverished areas seem an easy grab to al-Kordy and his 8,000 followers. On one hand, the poor constitute the majority in a country where 20 percent of the population lives below the poverty line; on the other, the poor are not concerned with bigger reform issues championed by the sophisticated opposition, according to al-Kordy.
“These people want nothing but the minimal living requirements and we should respect the opinion of the majority,” said al-Kordy.
So far his campaign has hit el-Sharabeyya, Old Cairo, Dar al-Salam, Sayyeda Zeinab and a few other provinces in the Delta garnering 85,000 signatures, al-Kordy claimed.
When asked about his finances, al-Kordy said his campaign is funded from his own pocket and from donations made by one of his followers in the Delta Province of al-Sharqeyya. So far, the campaign has cost 50,000 Egyptians pounds, claimed al-Kordy.
While the NDP denies any link with these campaigns, rumors had it that one of them was financed by Ibrahim Kamel, a prominent businessman and a member of the NDP general secretariat.
Such allegations sound valid to Diaa Rashwan, an expert with al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic studies.
“This campaign must be sponsored by NDP low-rank leaders and some businessmen,” said Rashwan.
Pro-Gamal calls emerged in response to Mohamed ElBaradei’s grass-roots campaign that kicked off in July.
Dozens of young men and women have been knocking on people’s doors nationwide urging them to sign off on a petition titled “Together for Change”. The statement sponsored by the former head of the UN nuclear watchdog, champions major reforms that the regime has been always reluctant to adopt. So far, the group has collected 800,000 signatures.
“Pro-Gamal campaigns are trying to project the false idea that people are okay with hereditary succession,” said Nasser Abdel Hamed, coordinator of ElBaradei’s campaign. “We have worked on the ground and realized that people do not approve of Gamal Mubarak or of the hereditary succession.”
For weeks, pundits were divided over whether these pro-Gamal slogans were a disguised attempt by the ruling regime to groom the NDP assistant secretary-general ahead of the presidential poll slated for fall 2011.
Last week, Safwat al-Sherif, the party’s secretary-general and a highly influential player in Mubarak’s regime, put an end to the speculation by affirming President Mubarak as the party’s candidate.
“I am saying it clearly and incontestably: President [Hosni] Mubarak is the only option and there is no one else,” al-Sherif told the independent Al-Osboa newspaper.
In the meantime, al-Sherif shrugged off the pro-Gamal campaign as “haphazard” and denied any link between the party and Gamal’s posters.
Al-Sherif’s “affirmative tone” refutes any speculation that Gamal was still an option, said Al Ahram's Rashwan. Such statements attest to a growing resistance to Gamal’s candidacy within the ruling regime, according to Rashwan.
“There is no indication that Hosni Mubarak is in favor of passing the presidency on to Gamal. He is promoting him in the public life but not as a potential president,” said Rashwan.
“Those who are around the president such as al-Sherif are very smart men and if President [Hosni] Mubarak had wanted Gamal, they would have got the message and there would not have been any resistance to Gamal inside the party,” explained Rashwan.
But Abdel Hamed, from ElBaradei’s group, cites the recent wave of pro-Gamal campaigns as evidence to suggest just the opposite.
“This is a dangerous campaign,” said Abdel Hamed. “It shows that there is a clear intention to start moving forward with the scenario of hereditary succession.”
Despite al-Sherif’s rejection, there has been no attempt by the NDP to silence pro-Gamal calls. According to Rashwan, the party is cautious not to take such measures in order to conceal NDP internal disputes. “They do not want to have an open and public fight over Gamal,” explained Rashwan.
Yet, this rift was clearly exposed last week after Ali Eddin Helal, NDP media secretary and one of Gamal’s closest advisors stated that Gamal’s candidacy remains an option.“If President Mubarak decides not to run, Gamal Mubarak is one of the people that could be considered [by the party],” Helal said.
But who to field in the 2011 presidential elections seems an irrelevant question to some including Kamal Aziz, a 62-year-old juice seller who migrated from Sohag to Cairo 40 years ago. “This is their country and they do whatever they want with it,” said Aziz in an upper Egyptian accent as he sat outside his store next to a poster reading “Join us to support Gamal”.
August 28, 2010
With the slogan “Gamal Mubarak: The Dream of the Poor”, Magdy al-Kordy and his agents are touring Egypt’s slums and low-income neighborhoods hoping to convince at least five million Egyptians to endorse Gamal Mubarak as Egypt’s next president.
“What distinguishes Gamal Mubarak is the fact that he is well-versed in Egyptian realities,” said al-Kordy. “He represents the young generation and seeks to ensure a better life for poor Egyptians.” said al-Kordy, founder of “Popular Coalition to Support Gamal Mubarak”.
Last month, the campaign kicked off in Sayyeda Zeinab, one of Cairo’s oldest neighborhoods. Gamal’s photos were posted on the doors of mechanic workshops, juice stores and façades of wonky few-story houses in tiny alleys.
“Gamal is a good man. He is not a snob. We find him in all football games among people,” said Sabah Hassan, who sells engine oil in Sayedda Zeinab few miles away from Cairo’s main slaughterhouse.
The question of hereditary succession sounds quite logical to the 54-year-old widow. “I sell oil. If anything happens to me, my son will take over because he knows the job. By the same token, Gamal should succeed his father,” added Sabah as she stood inside her modest store which hosts a poster reading "Gamal for all Egyptians".
Al-kordy, who makes a living off his coffee beans store in Mokkattam, admits his campaign was inspired by Gamal’s recent tours of poor villages--a move experts consider an attempt by the former banker to diffuse accusations that he prioritizes the interests of Egypt's elite.
However, not all the poor unconditionally swear allegiance to the president’s son. Some are too frustrated by Egypt's economic realities to buy political slogans.
“I do not think anyone is fit for the president’s position. I don’t think anyone could solve our problems.” said Ahmed Fathi.
Like thousands of his cohorts, the 28-year-old commerce school graduate has been jobless for the last five years. To make ends meet, he ended up selling juice at his father’s store in Zein al-Abedeen alley.
Surprisingly, al-Kordy does not hold a membership card of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). On the contrary, he was a member of the left-wing al-Tagammu opposition party. Upon his launch of the pro-Gamal campaign, al-Tagammu reportedly froze his membership.
Even more astonishingly, the 54-year-old former mechanic was a member of the Kefaya movement until 2009. For years, he was among the ranks of a group that spearheaded a staunch campaign against President Mubarak’s rule. Until last year, he was among those who warned against hereditary succession. Today, al-Kordy dismisses the term as a mere fabrication by an opportunistic intelligentsia.
“Hereditary succession is a lie made up by the elite,” al-Kordy told al-Masry al-Youm, “This elite is driven by personal interests and foreign agendas.”
Promoting the head of the NDP policies secretariat has recently become fashionable in slums areas. At least another two similar campaigns have been launched--one by a low-profile member of al-Wafd opposition party and another by an NDP member. Campaigners reportedly gave out T-shirts to the poor in exchange for signatures to support the 46-year-old politician.
Impoverished areas seem an easy grab to al-Kordy and his 8,000 followers. On one hand, the poor constitute the majority in a country where 20 percent of the population lives below the poverty line; on the other, the poor are not concerned with bigger reform issues championed by the sophisticated opposition, according to al-Kordy.
“These people want nothing but the minimal living requirements and we should respect the opinion of the majority,” said al-Kordy.
So far his campaign has hit el-Sharabeyya, Old Cairo, Dar al-Salam, Sayyeda Zeinab and a few other provinces in the Delta garnering 85,000 signatures, al-Kordy claimed.
When asked about his finances, al-Kordy said his campaign is funded from his own pocket and from donations made by one of his followers in the Delta Province of al-Sharqeyya. So far, the campaign has cost 50,000 Egyptians pounds, claimed al-Kordy.
While the NDP denies any link with these campaigns, rumors had it that one of them was financed by Ibrahim Kamel, a prominent businessman and a member of the NDP general secretariat.
Such allegations sound valid to Diaa Rashwan, an expert with al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic studies.
“This campaign must be sponsored by NDP low-rank leaders and some businessmen,” said Rashwan.
Pro-Gamal calls emerged in response to Mohamed ElBaradei’s grass-roots campaign that kicked off in July.
Dozens of young men and women have been knocking on people’s doors nationwide urging them to sign off on a petition titled “Together for Change”. The statement sponsored by the former head of the UN nuclear watchdog, champions major reforms that the regime has been always reluctant to adopt. So far, the group has collected 800,000 signatures.
“Pro-Gamal campaigns are trying to project the false idea that people are okay with hereditary succession,” said Nasser Abdel Hamed, coordinator of ElBaradei’s campaign. “We have worked on the ground and realized that people do not approve of Gamal Mubarak or of the hereditary succession.”
For weeks, pundits were divided over whether these pro-Gamal slogans were a disguised attempt by the ruling regime to groom the NDP assistant secretary-general ahead of the presidential poll slated for fall 2011.
Last week, Safwat al-Sherif, the party’s secretary-general and a highly influential player in Mubarak’s regime, put an end to the speculation by affirming President Mubarak as the party’s candidate.
“I am saying it clearly and incontestably: President [Hosni] Mubarak is the only option and there is no one else,” al-Sherif told the independent Al-Osboa newspaper.
In the meantime, al-Sherif shrugged off the pro-Gamal campaign as “haphazard” and denied any link between the party and Gamal’s posters.
Al-Sherif’s “affirmative tone” refutes any speculation that Gamal was still an option, said Al Ahram's Rashwan. Such statements attest to a growing resistance to Gamal’s candidacy within the ruling regime, according to Rashwan.
“There is no indication that Hosni Mubarak is in favor of passing the presidency on to Gamal. He is promoting him in the public life but not as a potential president,” said Rashwan.
“Those who are around the president such as al-Sherif are very smart men and if President [Hosni] Mubarak had wanted Gamal, they would have got the message and there would not have been any resistance to Gamal inside the party,” explained Rashwan.
But Abdel Hamed, from ElBaradei’s group, cites the recent wave of pro-Gamal campaigns as evidence to suggest just the opposite.
“This is a dangerous campaign,” said Abdel Hamed. “It shows that there is a clear intention to start moving forward with the scenario of hereditary succession.”
Despite al-Sherif’s rejection, there has been no attempt by the NDP to silence pro-Gamal calls. According to Rashwan, the party is cautious not to take such measures in order to conceal NDP internal disputes. “They do not want to have an open and public fight over Gamal,” explained Rashwan.
Yet, this rift was clearly exposed last week after Ali Eddin Helal, NDP media secretary and one of Gamal’s closest advisors stated that Gamal’s candidacy remains an option.“If President Mubarak decides not to run, Gamal Mubarak is one of the people that could be considered [by the party],” Helal said.
But who to field in the 2011 presidential elections seems an irrelevant question to some including Kamal Aziz, a 62-year-old juice seller who migrated from Sohag to Cairo 40 years ago. “This is their country and they do whatever they want with it,” said Aziz in an upper Egyptian accent as he sat outside his store next to a poster reading “Join us to support Gamal”.
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