Ahl Cairo: Egypt's high society under the microscope

Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm English edition 

September 8, 2010

At a seven-star hotel, thousands of guests gather to attend the wedding of celebrity Safi Selim and prominent Egyptian-American doctor Sherif Rasekh. For hours, the cream of society indulges in dancing and drinking in an exceptionally opulent and jovial environment. But the occasion ends shockingly: The bride is stabbed in the neck in her suite a few hours after the ceremony. And the killer's identity is unknown.

With this thrilling plot, “Ahl Cairo” or “The Cairenes” television serial has attracted millions of Arab viewers during Ramadan, and stands out as one of the best among at least thirty drama shows this season. It is not just the suspense that distinguishes the show, but its ugly portrayal of Cairo’s upper class--a community the director represents as plagued by promiscuity and the notorious marriage between power and money.

The show, which broadcasts on at least five satellite channels, exposes the grave social chasm that has opened up in Egypt in recent years leaving nearly 40 percent of the population trapped in poverty. “Ahl Cairo” offers a controversial account of social mobility in this highly fragmented society though the character of “Safi Selim,” or Amina.

Amina is a lascivious girl who grew up in a poor family in Cairo’s al-Qalaa neighborhood. As soon as she began studying mass communication she mingled with classmates from a far higher social stratum, who eventually helped her become an advertising model and then a movie star.

Her sex appeal allowed her to seduce politicians as well as businessmen who became entwined in secret affairs with the irresistible young lady. Thanks to this social network, Selim accumulated tons of money and conquered the ranks of Cairo’s westernized elite. Eventually, she married rich. But the marriage was short-lived, as the husband found out about his wife’s promiscuity through watching a DVD of her in bed with a business tycoon. The husband left, and shortly after Amina was found murdered in her room.

This curious crime brings in the series' protagonist, Hassan Mahfouz. Mahfouz is an honest, dedicated and risk-taking policeman who remains speechless when an audacious suspect accuses him of belonging to an institution implicated in human rights violations. He is assigned to investigate the murder of this controversial actress.

“This is the famous theme known as ‘crime at a party,’” says drama critic Rami Abdel Razek. “It is about a crime that happens at a party and there is multiple evidence that suggests that each and every character could be the criminal, yet the perpetrator is just one person. Nevertheless, all characters are portrayed as guilty toward society.”

The show’s plot revolves around Hassan’s journey to find the murderer. He finds an abundance of evidence pointing to the prominent businessman Nadim Kamal, who enjoys political leverage and who had an affair with the victim in the past. To defend himself, Nadim proves that he was at a business meeting with an Israeli delegation while the crime was committed.

With such a defense, the investigation becomes more complex. Mahfouz continues to come across more evidence that suggests the involvement of more players.

According to Abdel Razek, the show seems inspired by many recent scandals that made headlines in local and international press in connection with the promiscuity of businessmen. The most notable of these incidents was the murder of the Lebanese singer Suzanne Tamim whose throat was slit in her house in Dubai in summer 2008. The murder turned out to be instigated by parliamentarian and real estate tycoon Hesham Talaat Mostafa. In 2009, he was handed down a death sentence. He appealed, and the final verdict is still to be handed down.

“The writer’s reading of the relationship between actresses and businessmen and ambitions of social mobility in some classes is good, but it does not say anything new,” says Abdel Razek. “Drama should offer something that goes beyond what is being said in talk shows and the press.”

Yet, Abdel Razek acknowledges that Belal Fadl (the screenwriter)'s reading of the in-and-outs of the privately-owned media is an innovative portrayal of a zone that has never been examined so closely until now.

“As a veteran journalist, Belal Fadl is capable of portraying the backstage of the press well,” he says.

In the show, Fadl dissects the local press by examining the plight of Dalia, a young, talented and conscientious reporter at a privately-owned daily. She outscooped her competitors with her coverage of the killing of Safi Selim thanks to Mahfouz, who entrusted her with confidential information.

Yet, her scoops usually run the risk of being manipulated by her opportunist and hypocritical editor. Through daily feuds between Dalia and her boss, “Ahl Cairo” seems to convey the writer’s disillusionment with the rising so-called independent press.

Unfortunately, Fadl, who is out of the country, could not comment.

His work is one of a few television serials that have manifested a high level of political drama this year. While “Ahl Cairo” zooms in on Egypt’s elite, "Al-Hara" or "The Alley" dissects the plight of Egypt’s slum population which languishes in poverty and ignorance.

Unlike previous shows, the content of this year’s TV dramas no longer relies on political undertones or insinuations. Instead, writers convey explicit political criticisms of the government. For example, anti-government protests are common scenes in some of this year’s shows.

For Abdel Razek, this is a flaw that attests to the weakness of scriptwriters.

“This politicization is not new," he says. "What is new is that the politicized drama has become more direct than what we had in the 1980s and 1990s.”

“Unfortunately, today’s drama is rhetorical and direct...rhetoric is the disease of any drama show no matter who the writer is,” Abdel Razek adds.

For many critics, redundancy is another evil of “Ahl Cairo”.

“This beautiful work is missing condensation. Many scenes that do not serve the main events should have been omitted,” wrote Lilas Souidan in Kuwati paper Al-Qabas this week.

But such redundancy has not dissuaded viewers from following the show anxiously, hoping to know who the murderer is in the next couple of days as Ramadan nears its end.

ElBaradei threatens civil disobedience if reform demands ignored

Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm English edition
September 7, 2010

Surrounded by nearly 200 young followers at an iftar gathering in Sayeda Zeinab Monday, opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei repeated a warning that civil disobedience could be resorted to if the regime continues to ignore demands for reform.


“Civil disobedience is our last card in the peaceful process for change,” ElBaradei told members of the Popular Campaign to Support ElBaradei. “We do not want to resort to that, but we will not refrain from resorting to it if the regime doesn't respond to [our demands].”

The former head of the UN nuclear watchdog has emerged as a rallying figure for political reform in recent months. Thousands of young Egyptians and dozens of prominent opposition figures have thrown their full support behind his seven reform demands that include ending the state of emergency, amending the Constitution to allow for real multi-party presidential elections, ensuring judicial supervision of the vote, and putting an end to election fraud. Earlier, his campaigners threatened to strike if these demands go unheeded.

“We want to retrieve our freedom,” ElBaradei told his supporters at the iftar. “We want the people to rule themselves. We want the regime to be the people’s representative rather than custodian.”

ElBaradei’s supporters have been collecting signatures in favor of his petition in different Egyptian governorates through door-to-door canvassing and over the internet. So far the petition has attracted nearly 800,000 signatures.

Like most regime opponents, ElBaradei’s campaign is seeking to build a momentum for change ahead of the presidential elections slated for 2011. Although the leadership of the ruling National Democratic Party has confirmed that President Hosni Mubarak will be the party’s nominee, the incumbent’s ill-health raises doubts over his ability to run for a sixth term.

“The upcoming year and upcoming months will be decisive,” said ElBaradei. “A regime change may happen within months or a year.”

His defiant tone was met with fervent applause and whistles. His audience shouted: “Go ahead, Baradei, we are behind you to bring about change!” and “Oh, unjust regime, change is coming!”

“Today, ElBaradei’s speech was bolder than his previous ones,” 21-year-old Tanta University graduate Ahmed Abd Rabboh told Al-Masry Al-Youm on the sidelines of the iftar.

“This courage stems from the signatures that were collected and the popular support that he garnered over six months,” added Abd Rabboh.

Yet the signatures are not enough to convince ElBaradei to send his followers into the streets to further pressure the regime. The former diplomat warned the enthusiastic crowd against rushing and urged them to wait for “the right timing.”

“We should not take to the street until we know that such a move will mark the beginning of the end of this regime,” said ElBaradei.

Many of his supporters hailed ElBaradei’s warning as a wise approach. “Taking to the street is not a good option now. A confrontation with the regime may provoke a brutal reaction,” said 32-year old radiologist Dina Amin.

“We want him to take to the street with 50 or 60 thousand people to prove his strength to the regime. Up until now, not enough people would take to the street,” said Abd Rabboh.

ElBaradei also renewed a call for boycotting the upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled for November. He expects the poll to be marred by fraud since the government refuses to ensure full judicial inspection of balloting stations. ElBaradei said whoever participates in the poll, whether as a voter or a candidate, would be violating “the national will.”

Yet the Nobel Prize laureate’s call seems to have fallen on deaf ears, as most opposition parties, as well as ElBaradei’s Muslim Brotherhood allies, are all likely to field candidates for parliament.
“People have different views,” said ElBaradei. “I cannot impose my views on them. All I can do is [use] the power of persuasion.”

Facebook activists maintain support for ElBaradei despite photos

Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm English edition
September 5, 2010

The Facebook page that featured private pictures of Mohamed ElBaradei’s daugther in swimsuits and claimed she was agnostic has provoked a storm of cyber outrage among the former diplomat’s supporters who posted hundreds of messages dismissing the photos as an attempt by the ruling regime to discredit a potential condenter.

“How much money did you get from the state security apparatus to publish this?” wrote Ashraf Abddo, who denounced the page’s creator as “a whore”.

Last week, the page titled “The secrets of ElBaradei’s family” was created by an anonymous facebook user who claimed to be a close friend of ElBaradei’s daughter. “I have been friends with Laila ElBaradei for a long time. I was surprised when I learned that Dr. ElBaradei wants to become president. I was shocked when he visited mosques and prayed given that he and his family have no religion. This is what drove me to speak out and tell the truth,” wrote the page’s creator on the social networking site Facebook.

The page displayed at least thirty photos of ElBaradei’s family showing his daughter in swimsuits at the beach and at events where glasses of alcohol appear to be present.

The page’s architect has also posted a screen shot of Laila’s alleged Facebook profile page showing that she identifies herself as agnostic.

“Even if ElBaradei turned out to be an extra-terrestrial alien, I will back him,” wrote Ahmed Maher Rashad in response to the pictures on Facebook. Many of the nearly 1600 users who added the Facebook page to their profile are now calling upon each other to quit the page as the best strategy to downplay the campaign.

“All respectful people who dislike this charade that seeks to destroy the reputation of a respectful person should leave this page right away,” wrote Maha Ezzelarab. “Otherwise they would be giving it more fame for nothing.”

In an interview with a local paper published Saturday, ElBaradei accused President Hosni Mubarak’s regime of waging a campaign of “sheer lies” against him with these photos.

"This is typical and the only way the regime responds to those calling for democracy, political reforms, social justice and preserving people's human rights," he was quoted as saying.

Earlier this year, ElBaradei made headlines after he announced that he would run for president if genuine reforms were introduced to allow independents to run in the presidential poll slated for 2011. Hundreds of young activists and renowned opposition figures rallied around the former diplomat who find in ElBaradei a credible alternative to Mubarak. Since then, ElBaradei has become the de facto leader of a reform campaign that seeks to convince millions of Egyptians to sign a petition with a set of reform demands.

“You should be NDP agents," wrote a facebook user who identified himself as a Mostafa Pentagram as he addressed the Facebook page's sponsors."Is Mubarak a saint who has never tasted wine? Is Gamal [Mubarak] an Imam? I am telling you; you will lose..the end is very close.“

This Facebook page stands as the latest episode of a media campaign that has targeted ElBaradei since he entered the political limelight in February. The state-owned media has dismissed the former head of the UN atomic agency as an outsider who has lived most of his life in the west and knows very little about Egyptian social and political realities.

In April, Abdallah Kamal, editor in chief of Rose al-Youssef daily and an outspoken supporter of Mubarak’s regime, questioned ElBaradei’s faith and wondered if he observed the five Muslim prayers in the wake of a rally that he held at a mosque in a Delta province. In the article titled “ElBaradei and religious hypocrisy”, there was an early mention of ElBaradei’s daughter as Abdullah wondered about her religious leanings.

According to Mostafa Kamel al-Sayed, professor of political science with the American University in Cairo, these photos might be used by the government to further discredit ElBaradei in a highly conservative society.

“The photos of his daughter whether they are genuine or not would serve the [government’s] purpose of discrediting him as a good Muslim,” said Mostafa. However, he downplayed the impact that these pictures could have on ElBaradei’s popularity.

“Supporters of ElBaradei will not take this seriously. The sources of photos are not very credible and Facebook is not a very reliable source of information. It is quite possible to fake pictures,” al-Sayed added.

Many of ElBaradei’s facebook supporters voiced the same doubts over the integrity of the pictures and contended that they must be fabricated.  “Photoshop can do everything. I am telling you...this is orchestrated by the state security,” wrote Hossam Mohamed.

But a few viewers expressed their disillusionment with the reform figure after watching the pictures. “I am shocked by the pictures. I used to support ElBaradei but after seeing these pictures and knowing this information, I say no to Elbaradei,” wrote Ahmed Said.

Elbaradei is expected to hold two meetings this week--one with his young campaigners and another with workers.

Baradei to return amid doubts over his future

Originally published in al-Masry al-Youm
August 31, 2010

As Mohamed ElBaradei gets ready to board his flight from Vienna to Cairo Wednesday, questions linger regarding future moves for his nascent opposition movement vis-à-vis a regime that shows no willingness to make reform concessions.


For several months, followers of the former head of the International Atomic Energy Association (IAEA) have been collecting signatures in favor of his reform petition, in which ElBaradei provides seven demands ahead of the parliamentary poll slated for late November. His plea includes ending the state of emergency, amending the constitution to allow for real multi-party presidential elections, ensuring judicial supervision of the vote, and putting an end to election fraud.

While the number of signatures keeps rising, there is no indication that the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) will heed any of these demands. Earlier this month, spokesman of the outgoing parliament Fathi Sorour ruled out introducing changes to the constitution.

“All other ways are blocked. Freedom has a cost and people should be ready to pay that cost,” said Hassan Nafae, coordinator of the National Association for Change (NAC), the group formed under ElBaradei’s auspices in April.

“We tell people frankly that the state will not necessarily heed our demands because the NDP does not respect the people’s will. So we may ask  [people] to demonstrate on the street and things may escalate to civil disobedience,” added Nafae.

However, the NAC has not decided when this escalation may occur, according to prominent NAC leader George Ishaq.

“Civil disobedience is a big issue and it needs preparation. We are working on that,” said Ishaq.
So far, the NAC has collected nearly 800,000 signatures.

But convincing signatories of engaging in open protests remains beyond the group’s capabilities, according to Amr Elshobaki, an expert with al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies.

“Civil disobedience is a very difficult challenge. There is no indication that 80,000 out of the 800,000 signatories would take to the street,” said Elshobaki.

“It is hard to do that under the current regime and given the nature of the signatories. They are ready to sign but they are not ready to take to the street,” he added.

At least 600,000 out of the group’s 800,000 sympathizers belong to Egypt's largest and most organized opposition faction, the Muslim Brotherhood, which started to collect signatures in support of ElBaradei's reform demands through its website in July. But the Nobel Prize laureate should not rely too much on the Brotherhood's ability to mobilize in large numbers, said Elshobaki.

“The Muslim Brotherhood have their own calculations and they won’t take to the streets according to ElBaradei’s calculations,” explained Elshobaki.

Although Brotherhood officials consistently claim full endorsement of pro-democratic demands, the group has been criticized for not calling upon its large support base to take to the street.

According to experts on the nation’s oldest Islamist group, the Muslim Brotherhood remains reluctant to mobilize the masses for fear of antagonizing the regime and provoking a brutal crackdown like that of the 1950s and 1960s.

ElBaradei’s visit comes in the midst of preparations for November's parliamentary poll. Last week through his twitter account, ElBaradei renewed his call for opposition parties to boycott elections. The 68-year-old former diplomat says the opposition should not engage in elections that are not fully monitored by the judiciary.

“The boycott is a feasible and viable option provided that all opposition groups agree on that,” said Amr Hamzawy, an expert with Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “Otherwise, parties will be granting the regime legitimacy.”

In 2005, the parliamentary poll was reportedly marred by fraud and violence that claimed 13 lives. There were also reports of police intimidation toward supporters of NDP contenders. All these accounts drew significant international attention and elicited criticism from the US administration.

“This time is different from 2005. The international community is not concerned with democracy anymore. Even if the election is marred by violence and vote rigging, the international community will not pay attention. So boycotting may draw more attention than participating,” added Hamzawy.

So far, there is no consensus among the opposition to give up the poll. The nation’s two largest opposition parties Wafd and Tagammu are expected to participate. The Muslim Brotherhood is not yet decided on whether to boycott.

“We should not look down upon those who will participate and accuse them of being acquiescent,” said al-Ahram's Elshobaki.  “They believe that things are changing and they should get engaged with new realities and change the system from within.”

This is ElBaradei’s first visit since June. He is expected to hold two events in Cairo--an iftarwith his young followers on September 6 and possibly a supper with labor unionists on September 7, according to his brother Ali ElBaradei.

While NAC sources say the former IAEA head will leave in ten days and come back for a longer stay in October, his brother says he has not specified his departure date yet. Many of ElBaradei’s supporters have criticized him for not settling in Egypt and accused him of being reluctant to dedicate his full time and attention to the reform call.

“His presence would have been better because he would have gone out to people, discussed problems with them," said Nafae. "If people could see him and talk with him directly, they would feel that he is the true leader of change and this will serve the project for change better.”

Earlier this year, ElBaradei drew local and international attention when he said he would vie for the presidency in 2011 if fair and free elections were guaranteed. Upon this announcement, dozens of opposition figures and hundreds of youths anxious to find a credible alternative to the existing regime, rallied around him.

“The mobilization that ElBaradei engendered in the beginning is over,” said Hamzawy.

“Now, it is a one-man show. ElBaradei does not coordinate with other opposition players including opposition parties and movements,” contended Hamzawy.

Elshobaki is not on the same wavelength as Hamzaway. “The fact that ElBaradei is not involved in the details of the involvement game is positive,” he said.

“The political game in Egypt has no rules and it drains people and makes them get consumed in internal conflicts and exchanges of accusations,” said Elshobaki.